A rare display of disunity unfolded in Guyana’s Parliament on May 24 when opposition lawmakers walked out en masse during a vote on a motion supporting Guyana’s sovereignty over the contested Essequibo region. The government-tabled resolution—condemning Venezuela’s defiance of international orders by planning to hold local elections in Essequibo—ultimately passed unanimously by the remaining government MPs. However, the opposition’s boycott marked the first time in memory that Guyana’s political parties failed to present a united front on a territorial defense matter.

Foreign Minister Hugh Todd had introduced the motion urging the National Assembly to “unequivocally reaffirm” Guyana’s territorial integrity and denounce Caracas’ provocative actions. The statement referenced a May 1, 2025 order by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) barring Venezuela from proceeding with a planned sham vote to create a “state” in Essequibo, which comprises two-thirds of Guyana’s landmass. Todd declared that “Guyana will not be bullied, threatened, or intimidated to surrender any portion of our patrimony,” drawing thumps of approval from the government bench.

But as debate opened, Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton rose to criticize the motion’s process. He accused the PPP/C government of “selective” consultation, claiming it excluded opposition input on the wording. Norton proposed withdrawing and redrafting the motion together, arguing that bipartisanship was needed for such a critical national issue. He then launched a tirade, calling the government “a hopeless bunch depending on the ICJ” and asserting that “unilateralism will not succeed” against Venezuela. Norton contended that the Ali administration lacked a contingency plan or robust diplomatic strategy beyond the court case, and cited ignored opposition suggestions like deploying special envoys and running Spanish-language media campaigns to rally regional support.

When it became clear the government would not delay the vote, Norton led his APNU+AFC MPs out of the chamber in protest. The exodus stunned observers in the gallery. Government parliamentarians shouted “Shame!” as the opposition filed out, leaving empty seats on their side. History will record that on this day, Guyana’s opposition withdrew support on a sovereignty issue—an unprecedented breach of the united stance long maintained in the face of Venezuela’s claims.

Nonetheless, the remaining 33 government MPs approved the motion, entering it into the official record as Resolution No. 83 of 2025. The adopted resolution reaffirms the 1899 Arbitral Award that set Guyana’s borders and condemns Venezuela’s planned Essequibo vote as unlawful and void. It directs that copies be dispatched to the UN, OAS, Commonwealth, and other international bodies to galvanize support. Prime Minister Mark Phillips, speaking after the vote, reiterated that “there is no such state in Guyana” as what Venezuela purports to elect a governor for, and he lauded Parliament for standing up for national sovereignty despite the opposition’s absence.

The opposition’s walkout has drawn sharp criticism from the government and sections of civil society. President Irfaan Ali blasted it as “unpatriotic grandstanding,” saying the opposition “put politics above country.” Even some traditional government critics expressed dismay. The Guyana Human Rights Association noted that bipartisan solidarity on border issues has been a hallmark of Guyana’s diplomacy, and breaking that solidarity could undermine the country’s case on the world stage. The small Working People’s Alliance (WPA), an opposition-aligned party, publicly appealed to APNU and AFC leaders to “put national interest first” and urgently repair the rift between them on this issue. On the streets of Georgetown, many Guyanese voiced embarrassment. “No matter our politics, Essequibo is ours—we expect our leaders to stand together on that,” one newspaper editorial declared after the incident.

Opposition Leader Norton has defended the walkout in subsequent press conferences, insisting that his party was not against the content of the motion but against being excluded from shaping it. He argued that a joint motion would have sent a stronger message of unity to Venezuela. Norton also implied the government was trying to score political points, saying “patriotism isn’t a PPP monopoly.” Still, some opposition members have privately acknowledged the walkout was poorly timed, especially as Venezuela’s aggression is intensifying. Venezuela has been amassing troops near the border, and an opposition stance not fully condemning Caracas risks political fallout at home.

Analysts note that the PPP/C may capitalize on this in the election campaign, casting the opposition as failing a leadership test on a fundamental national security matter. PPP General Secretary Bharrat Jagdeo already seized on it, stating: “Guyanese saw clearly who stood up for our country and who walked away.” He contended that the APNU+AFC has “abdicated its responsibility to the nation”—strong rhetoric likely aimed at swing voters.

Meanwhile, in the international arena, Guyana’s diplomatic approach continues unaffected. The government has forwarded the parliamentary resolution to the ICJ as further evidence of Guyana’s consistent position. CARICOM, in a statement, praised Guyana’s measured handling of Venezuela’s provocations and implicitly chided the lack of unanimity in Parliament by urging “all stakeholders in Guyana to present a unified front in defense of sovereignty.” The United States Embassy also weighed in gently, tweeting that it “supports Guyana’s peaceful efforts to uphold the 1899 Award” and noted that bipartisan unity is ideal in such efforts.

As Guyana heads toward elections, the Essequibo dispute remains a rallying point for nationalism. The opposition walkout, however, has muddied the waters. Whether it will be seen by voters as a principled stand for inclusivity or a blunder that undercut national unity remains to be seen. For now, Resolution 83 stands as Parliament’s official voice, firmly rejecting Venezuela’s “illegal” actions. But the image of empty opposition benches during that vote serves as a poignant reminder of domestic political cracks appearing even amid an external threat.

Snap general elections called as PPP touts progress, opposition gears up for critical race

GEORGETOWN – General and regional elections in Guyana have been set for September 1, 2025, President Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali announced in a televised address on May 26. The election date – falling just over five years since the disputed 2020 polls – kicks off an official campaign season in which the ruling People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) will seek a new mandate amid an oil-fueled economic boom, while a fractured opposition scrambles to mount a challenge.

Invoking the need for “stability and continuity,” President Ali used an Independence Day speech to proclaim Election Day 2025. Nomination Day has been set for July 14, 2025, by which time all parties must submit their candidate lists and symbols for approval. The early notice gives the Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) just over three months to finalize preparations, including the voter roll and logistics for the country’s 10 regions. Ali promised to issue the formal elections proclamation “within the constitutional timeframe,” honoring the requirement for polls by year-end. International observer groups – including the Commonwealth, OAS, and CARICOM – are expected to be invited to monitor the process.

The upcoming election is poised to be Guyana’s first in the era of oil production, with the country now enjoying the world’s fastest-growing economy and newfound geopolitical clout. At stake are all 65 seats in the National Assembly as well as regional council posts. The PPP/C government, led by President Ali and Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo, is riding high on record 62.3% GDP growth last year and billions in oil revenues fueling mega-projects. It hopes voters will reward its stewardship. “We are ready for the 2025 election. And we are prepared to win it for the people of Guyana,” Jagdeo declared confidently at a party rally. The PPP/C is expected to campaign on its track record of infrastructure development, job creation, and cash grants that have directly reached ordinary citizens.

In contrast, the opposition enters the race in disarray. The main opposition coalition, A Partnership for National Unity (APNU) – anchored by the People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR) – recently splintered from its erstwhile partner, the Alliance For Change (AFC), after failing to revive their pact This means the opposition forces will be divided on the ballot for the first time since 2011, potentially diluting their vote share. Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton (PNCR) now faces not only the formidable PPP but also a breakaway AFC running separately under leader Nigel Hughes. Smaller third parties and civic groups are also likely to contest, though none currently command mass support.

The road to E-Day will test Guyana’s electoral system, which underwent significant reforms after the protracted 2020 election crisis. In that vote, a disputed count and allegations of fraud led to a five-month impasse before the PPP/C was declared winner. Vowing “never again,” the Ali administration pushed through amendments to the Representation of the People Act (ROPA) and other laws aimed at tightening procedures and increasing transparency. These new rules – passed in Parliament on June 2, 2025 – include adding deputy returning officers to prevent bottlenecks, harsher penalties for misconduct, and clearer timelines for results tabulation. Attorney General Anil Nandlall said the reforms “blocked the last loopholes” that bad actors exploited in 2020, underscoring the government’s commitment to free, fair and credible elections.

GECOM, the autonomous elections body, has been actively preparing. A national registration exercise concluded on May 30, expected to add thousands of first-time youth voters to the roll. GECOM’s work plan – approved by its commissioners – schedules training for poll staff, testing of biometric verification kits, and a series of public education drives to ensure voters know their polling stations. GECOM Chair Justice (ret’d) Claudette Singh assured that procurement of sensitive materials (ballots, indelible ink, etc.) is on track and that contingency plans are in place for Guyana’s hinterland and riverine communities. “We will be ready to deliver an efficient election on September 1,” a senior GECOM official stated, urging all stakeholders to cooperate.

The President’s announcement immediately shifted the political gears into campaign mode. PPP/C will formally launch its manifesto in the coming weeks, but leaders have hinted at promises of expanded cash grants, more housing projects, and possibly lower personal taxes as oil revenues grow. The party also continues to emphasize its “One Guyana” message of national unity and inclusive growth, contrasting it with what it calls the opposition’s divisive rhetoric. “Vote for development, not race,” as one young PPP supporter in Beterverwagting put it, reflecting a sentiment the ruling party hopes will resonate across ethnic lines.

On the opposition side, Norton’s APNU has hammered the government over rising cost of living and accused it of corruption in oil contracts – issues it plans to amplify on the hustings. However, the opposition’s credibility took a blow with recent defections: in early June, prominent PNCR figures from Region 4 publicly endorsed President Ali’s re-election, and even an opposition Member of Parliament dramatically crossed the floor to support the PPP (an embarrassing scene for Norton’s camp). These fissures give the PPP ammunition to portray their rivals as leaderless and unfit to govern.

With under three months to go, Guyana is bracing for a spirited yet hopefully orderly campaign. The electoral season will coincide with the country’s ongoing term as a member of the UN Security Council and its presidency of that body in June – a reminder of Guyana’s elevated international profile. The Ali administration has pledged a peaceful and transparent election, inviting international observers and promising to accept the people’s verdict. In a region where elections are often hotly contested, all eyes will be on Guyana come September 1. For the Guyanese electorate – swelled by youth voters and energized by their nation’s rapid change – the 2025 polls present a choice of continuity versus change at a time of historic prosperity.

Three non-nationals wanted in “act of terrorism” at Georgetown police station and power facility

GEORGETOWN – Authorities in Guyana have launched a manhunt for three foreign nationals suspected in a brazen improvised bomb attack that damaged a police outpost and an electrical substation in Georgetown earlier this month. Investigators believe two Spanish-speaking men and one Brazilian national conspired with a local accomplice to detonate homemade explosive devices in the early hours of May 17 – a coordinated act officials are calling domestic terrorism.

The first blast struck around 12:40 a.m. at the East Ruimveldt Police Outpost, blowing the station’s metal gate off its hinges and shattering part of a concrete wall. Moments later, a second explosion ripped through a nearby Guyana Power and Light (GPL) substation on Mandela Avenue. No injuries were reported, but the twin bombings sent debris flying and gouged the street, sparking fear in surrounding neighborhoods. CCTV footage captured a bright flash and flames at the police post as the device detonated. A female constable on duty recalled hearing two loud blasts and discovering the compound’s southern gate missing entirely.

Within hours, specialized police and army units swarmed the scenes. Crime Scene investigators recovered bolts, nuts, and fragments of a hard plastic container – evidence of an improvised explosive device (IED), likely assembled from readily available materials. The attacks raised alarms about potential cross-border extremist activity, given their sophistication. By May 27, the Guyana Police Force (GPF) issued wanted bulletins for the three foreign suspects believed to have orchestrated the plot.

A major breakthrough came when police arrested a 35-year-old Guyanese minibus driver, Seon Carmichael, who allegedly aided the bombers. Carmichael was charged with committing a terrorist act for ferrying the suspects and procuring supplies used to build the explosives. In court, his lawyer claimed the foreign men threatened to kill Carmichael’s family if he spoke up, leading him to cooperate under duress. The defendant told the magistrate one suspect was an acquaintance who paid him G$20,000 for transport – only afterward did he realize their deadly intentions. Carmichael has since provided video and written statements to police, aiding the investigation. He remains in custody after being denied bail due to the severity of the charges.

Police Commissioner Clifton Hicken said authorities are pursuing leads on the whereabouts of the foreign fugitives, who may have already fled Guyana. “This was a calculated attack on public security infrastructure,” a senior police official noted, underscoring that the assailants likely had external backing and training. The Spanish language heard in intercepted communications has fueled speculation of a Venezuelan link, though officials have not confirmed any state involvement. The attacks came amid heightened tensions with Venezuela over the disputed Essequibo region (though no direct evidence ties the incidents to that dispute).

The government has condemned the bombings as an unprecedented act of terror in the capital. President Irfaan Ali vowed that those responsible “will face the full force of the law,” and he praised the quick response of law enforcement in preventing further harm. Security has been stepped up at police facilities and power plants nationwide, with patrols intensified and surveillance increased at ports of entry in case the perpetrators attempt to slip out.

Guyana’s opposition parties have largely refrained from politicizing the incident, instead joining in calls for public vigilance. The attack – rare for this generally peaceful South American nation – has rattled Georgetown residents. But officials insist there is no cause for panic. “We will not be intimidated by cowardly acts,” Minister of Home Affairs Robeson Benn said, urging citizens to report suspicious activity as investigators work around the clock.

As the probe continues, Guyana has enlisted assistance from regional and international partners. Law enforcement agencies in neighboring Brazil and Suriname have been alerted to monitor their borders. A wanted bulletin with the suspects’ descriptions has been disseminated via INTERPOL channels. Meanwhile, forensic teams are examining residue from the blast sites to trace the origin of explosive materials.

This coordinated bombing is the first known terrorist-style attack on Guyanese soil in recent memory. It comes just months before national elections, raising stakes for security forces to ensure stability. With one alleged accomplice in hand and foreign suspects identified, Guyana’s police say it is only a matter of time before the perpetrators are brought to justice.

Lawmakers fast-track supplementary budget to fuel countrywide development

The Parliament Building in Georgetown, Guyana, where lawmakers approved a G$57.5B supplemental budget for development

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s National Assembly has approved a G$57.5 billion (US$275 million) supplementary budget to accelerate infrastructure projects and social programs across the country. Tabled by Senior Finance Minister Dr. Ashni Singh, the Supplementary Appropriation Bill No. 1 of 2025 won passage after extensive debate on May 24, paving the way for critical investments in housing, electricity, roads, and cash grants to citizens.

Under the plan, G$29.5 billion is earmarked to upgrade and expand the electricity distribution network, complementing construction of a 300 MW natural gas power plant that is expected to cut energy costs by 50% upon completion. An additional G$7.8 billion will modernize 157 km of existing power lines, improving reliable electricity access for communities nationwide. These upgrades coincide with the government’s push to bring affordable power to new areas – 17 previously unserved villages are slated to receive electricity via solar units and grid extensions.

Meanwhile, G$12 billion is allocated for the government’s aggressive housing drive, continuing infrastructure works in fast-growing housing schemes. Another G$1.5 billion will extend all-weather hinterland roads to better link remote interior regions with coastal markets. The budget also provides G$1.4 billion for farm-to-market access roads, boosting the agriculture sector’s expansion.

Notably, the supplementary funding includes an extra G$3 billion for the administration’s ongoing “Because We Care” cash grant program, which provides a one-off G$100,000 payment to help citizens cope with living costs. As of May 21, over 617,000 Guyanese – roughly 77% of the population – had registered for the grant, with 96% of eligible recipients already receiving checks. Authorities project another 12,000 people will sign up by the end of June. The cash relief, first introduced by the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) government last year, has injected disposable income into communities nationwide.

“Various development initiatives across the country will continue throughout the year,” Minister Singh said in Parliament, hailing the additional funds as vital to “meet the energy demands of our growing economy and unlock the potential of the manufacturing and industrial sector”. The opposition scrutinized the spending in committee but ultimately did not oppose the bill’s passage.

This latest fiscal package comes amid windfall oil revenues and record economic growth. Guyana’s government – led by President Irfaan Ali’s PPP/C – has emphasized using petroleum profits to modernize infrastructure and improve living standards. The supplementary budget’s swift approval signals broad political support for accelerating development projects. With these funds now secured, upgrades to power grids, new roads, expanded housing, and direct cash transfers are expected to advance rapidly in the coming months, delivering tangible benefits ahead of Guyana’s upcoming general elections on September 1.

Guyana celebrated Arrival Day on May 5 with a powerful message of national unity from President Dr. Irfaan Ali. In his official address, President Ali honored the contributions of all the diverse peoples who settled in Guyana – from Indian indentured laborers to African slaves, Portuguese, Chinese, and Indigenous communities – declaring that “Diversity is not our weakness – it is our greatest strength.” The statement, coming at a time of heightened political rhetoric, was a deliberate reminder of the “One Guyana” ideal that Ali’s administration has championed.

This year marks 185 years since the first ships brought indentured laborers from India to Guyana (on May 5, 1838), a seminal moment observed as Indian Arrival Day. But President Ali broadened the scope, saying Arrival Day is an occasion to celebrate all ancestors who came and “helped lay the foundation for the Guyana of today”, forging a multiethnic society. He urged citizens to reflect on the struggles and sacrifices of those immigrants – many of whom arrived with nothing – and how they “enriched the country’s national character” through hard work and cultural heritage. Guyana’s tapestry of religions, languages, and traditions, Ali stressed, is a source of pride and resilience rather than division.

The President’s message also carried an implicit rebuke against bigotry. He noted with concern that around the world immigrants are increasingly being “targeted, vilified, and excluded”, and cautioned that such intolerance “should never happen in a multi-cultured Guyana.” He highlighted that Guyana stands as a testament to the positive role immigrants have played in building nations and powering economies. “Our ancestors’ spirit and sacrifices continue to propel national development,” Ali said, linking historical perseverance to today’s progress.

The Arrival Day festivities saw cultural programs across the country, from Indian drumming and dances in Berbice to Afro-Guyanese heritage displays in Georgetown, emphasizing the inclusive spirit. At an interfaith service in Anna Regina, religious leaders from Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and Indigenous faiths each offered prayers for unity. Echoing the President, speakers noted that Guyana’s harmony requires constant nurturing given its past scars of racial tension.

In his address, President Ali called for a “deeper recommitment” from every Guyanese to the future of unity they wish to build. He challenged communities to break down lingering social barriers and strengthen the bonds of trust between ethnic groups. The government has launched several “One Guyana” initiatives – from inter-community sports to mixed housing schemes – aimed at mixing populations and fostering everyday interaction. Ali pledged to continue policies that ensure all groups share equitably in the country’s economic boom. “Our diversity is our strength,” he reiterated, urging Guyanese to “celebrate our differences while working together as one people with one common destiny.”

Sporting Renaissance: New Stadiums and Facilities Ignite Guyana’s Athletic Potential

NEW AMSTERDAM, Region 6 – On the eastern bank of the Berbice River, steel beams are rising where sugar cane once grew, shaping the outline of what will soon be Guyana’s second international cricket stadium. This modern facility at Palmyra, Berbice, is just one part of a nationwide sports infrastructure boom unfolding under the current administration. From synthetic athletics tracks in Linden and New Amsterdam to dozens of upgraded community grounds countrywide, Guyana is witnessing an unprecedented investment in sports that officials and athletes alike say will unlock new opportunities. “We’re transforming the sporting landscape from coast to interior,” declared Minister of Sport Charles Ramson Jr., who noted over GY$4.3 billion was poured into sports in 2023 alone and even more in 2024.

The approach is comprehensive: rehabilitate or build facilities for every major sport and at multiple levels. In 2023, the government upgraded 65 community grounds in Berbice and another 34 around Georgetown, installing lights and amenities to enable night games and broader use. Many of these grounds had been in disrepair for years. Now local youths can play football or cricket in the evenings under floodlights, something previously only possible at a handful of venues. “It’s an amazing feeling to play on a lit field in front of your home crowd,” says 17-year-old Javid, a footballer from Port Mourant whose village ground got a facelift. The government allocated an additional GY$400 million this year for community ground upgrades, ensuring the work continues.

For track and field athletes, two new synthetic 400m tracks have been game changers. Linden (Region 10) – known as a hotbed for sprinters – finally got its track in late 2023, complete with stadium lighting to FIFA standards. Meanwhile, New Amsterdam (Region 6) is watching its own all-weather track take shape at Burnham Park. Guyana’s athletes long struggled training on grass or uneven surfaces; now they can practice and host meets on par with international norms. The difference was evident at this year’s National Schools Championship: times improved and fewer injuries occurred, credited to the Linden synthetic track. “Our athletes are benefiting enormously,” confirms Athletics Coach Julian Edmonds. “We’re already seeing better sprint performances.” These tracks, along with an existing one in Leonora (Region 3), mean athletes in three counties have access to quality facilities – a first for Guyana.

Cricket, the national sport, is perhaps seeing the most high-profile upgrades. Providence Stadium near Georgetown has been the lone international venue since 2007; now, two more stadiums are underway. In Anna Regina (Region 2) and Linden (Region 10), massive new multi-purpose stadiums are being constructed. These will serve cricket primarily but can host football and cultural events too. Then there’s the dedicated Berbice Cricket Stadium at Palmyra – eagerly anticipated by fans in Guyana’s second-most populous county. Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo noted that foundation work began in 2023 and the project is well underway. “For the first time, international matches will come to Berbice,” Jagdeo said, referencing that historically all big games were in Georgetown. Locals like 65-year-old Ram, a diehard cricket fan from Rose Hall, are ecstatic. “We won’t have to travel hours to see the West Indies play; it’ll be in our backyard,” he grinned. The economic spin-offs are notable too: hotels in Berbice are already popping up in anticipation of sports tourism and events at the new venues.

The government’s inclusive approach even extends to hinterland and indigenous communities. Through a special program, each Amerindian village was given funds specifically for sports development – totaling GY$200 million across communities. At the recent National Toshaos Council meeting, it was highlighted that many villages are using these grants to create or improve village sports grounds and buy equipment. For example, Kamarang in Region 7 constructed a proper volleyball and futsal court; Annai in Region 9 purchased a boat to transport its teams to regional tournaments. “Sports unites our youth and these investments show they’re not forgotten,” said Toshao Lennox Shuman. It’s a point not lost on observers that traditionally opposition-leaning areas (like Linden and New Amsterdam towns, or hinterland villages) are receiving marquee sports projects – a sign the PPP/C government aims to spread benefits widely, including to regions outside its core base.

All this infrastructure is being coupled with training and programs. The Sports Ministry reintroduced national sports academies for coaching in cricket, football, athletics, swimming and more. International experts have been brought in for clinics, something facilitated by having improved facilities to host them. The goal, officials say, is not just to build structures but to build talent. They’re already eyeing the 2028 Olympics and 2030 FIFA World Cup qualifiers with higher hopes. Guyana’s cricket team (part of the West Indies system) too could benefit – imagine hosting a Test match in Berbice, inspiring a new generation of cricketers from that area.

Perhaps the most immediate impact, though, is on community life and youth engagement. On any given night now in communities from Skeldon to Tuschen, you’ll find kids and adults alike utilizing the rejuvenated grounds – playing five-a-side football under lights or families watching village teams compete. In an era where social ills and idle time can plague youth, sports provides a constructive outlet. “We’ve seen a drop in petty delinquency since the ground got fixed; kids are too busy practicing,” notes a constable in Corentyne only half-jokingly. The intangible benefits – discipline, teamwork, local pride – are sowing seeds for societal gains.

Guyana, flush with oil revenues, has made a deliberate choice to invest in sports, and it shows. From gleaming new stadium designs on paper to the thud of real footsteps on brand-new tracks, the country is moving confidently into a golden era for athletics. Where once local athletes dreamed of facilities abroad, now those facilities are coming to them. As one sports journalist remarked, “It’s as if Guyana woke up and realized its athletic potential – and is building the fields of dreams to finally realize it.”

GEORGETOWN – The dream of a world-class football facility in Guyana is on its way to becoming reality as ground was broken for the country’s first dedicated national football stadium. In an upbeat ceremony at Durban Park in Georgetown, government officials joined the Guyana Football Federation (GFF) and international partners to turn the sod for what’s been dubbed the “Blue Water Shipping National Stadium.” This project, a partnership between the GFF, Danish company Blue Water Shipping, and the government, marks a historic milestone for local football. “It’s truly a monumental moment for football in Guyana,” said GFF President Wayne Forde at the October 18, 2024 event. After decades of using a cricket ground for big football matches, Guyanese players and fans can finally look forward to a purpose-built home for the beautiful game.

The planned stadium will occupy a 7.3-acre site at Durban Park, on land that the government has leased to the GFF for 50 years. The facility is designed to seat between 8,000 and 12,000 spectators, with expansion capacity, and meet all FIFA standards. Blue Water Shipping, which acquired naming rights in a five-year deal, is providing technical expertise and some financing, while FIFA and CONCACAF are also contributing funds and advisory support. The government’s role has been pivotal – beyond providing land, it has fast-tracked approvals and will assist with necessary utilities and infrastructure around the venue. “Our administration is fully behind this,” proclaimed Minister of Sport Charles Ramson Jr. at the ceremony. “We see it as an investment in our youth and in Guyana’s sporting future.” Indeed, the stadium aligns with the PPP/C government’s broader sports development thrust, which in recent years has included building or upgrading facilities for cricket, athletics, and now football across the country.

Concacaf President and FIFA Vice-President Victor Montagliani flew in for the groundbreaking, underscoring its significance. He praised Guyana’s progress, noting that improved infrastructure is “critical to inspire future generations of footballers.” For years, Guyana’s national teams have had no permanent training base; the senior men’s “Golden Jaguars” played home matches at the National Track and Field Centre (which doubles as a football pitch) or the Providence cricket stadium in a less-than-ideal setup. The new stadium will remedy that by providing a dedicated home ground with top-notch locker rooms, media facilities, and training amenities. Importantly, the blueprint includes community features: conference rooms, a restaurant, and a multi-purpose community space that can host educational programs and non-profit events year-round. Forde highlighted this, saying the aim is for the stadium to be a hub not just for pro matches but for “growing the sport at all levels, including women’s and youth football.”

Construction is set to occur in phases. The initial phase focuses on land preparation and installing practice pitches. Engineers have already begun filling and leveling the swampy terrain (Durban Park is on low-lying land), with hopes to complete the base works by early 2025. By mid-2025, the GFF expects to tender contracts for the main stadium structure. If all goes smoothly, officials ambitiously project partial completion by late 2026 – possibly in time for Guyana to host matches for the 2027 Caribbean Cup or even World Cup qualifiers. Funding appears to be coming together: aside from Blue Water’s and FIFA’s contributions, the government indicated it will chip in via a special sports fund if needed to ensure timely progress. “We will not let financing be a hurdle; Guyana deserves this stadium,” Minister Ramson affirmed.

Football fans are understandably excited. Outside GFF headquarters this week, a small group of supporters admired artist’s renderings of the stadium. “We’ve waited forever for this,” said 50-year-old Kenneth, a lifelong local club fan. “Cricket has Providence, now football will have Durban.” The sentiment reflects a broader point: Guyana’s cricket infrastructure leapfrogged ahead with Providence Stadium in 2007 (built for the World Cup), but football lagged until now. The new facility is expected to supercharge the domestic game. It will serve as the anchor for a professional league the GFF is trying to establish. In fact, Forde dubbed the stadium the future “home of the Guyana Pro League,” noting that having a venue could attract sponsors and legitimize the fledgling competition. It may also allow Guyana to host youth international tournaments, and give local players the chance to perform in a big-game atmosphere regularly – something coaches say is crucial for talent development.

The government’s support for this project is part of a wider narrative of sports investment. Only months earlier, Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo had outlined how the state is spending billions to upgrade sports grounds nationwide. Guyana is also building multi-sport stadiums in three regions (a new cricket stadium in Berbice, multi-purpose complexes in Linden and Essequibo). At the Durban Park launch, President Ali tied the football stadium to that push: “We are creating opportunities for our youth – in cricket, in football, in every sport – because we see sports as part of our national development.” The presence of a prominent foreign investor (Blue Water) in the stadium project also dovetails with Guyana’s economic expansion; it shows international confidence in the country’s stability and potential market for sports entertainment.

For players like Golden Jaguars captain Samuel Cox, this is the start of a new era. “One day soon, we’ll run out of that tunnel to a full home crowd in our own stadium,” he said, imagining Guyana playing a big qualifier at Durban Park. That vision is shared by many Guyanese, who for the first time can realistically expect to cheer on their national football team from the stands of a modern stadium, waving the Golden Arrowhead flag. The journey from blueprint to reality will take a couple of years, but with shovels now in the ground, Guyana’s football future has never looked brighter.

PROVIDENCE, Guyana – Fireworks lit up the night sky over Providence Stadium and deafening cheers rang out across the capital as the Guyana Amazon Warriors were crowned champions of the Caribbean Premier League (CPL) for the first time in franchise history. The Warriors, cheered on by a jubilant home crowd, defeated the Trinbago Knight Riders by nine wickets in a one-sided final to finally end their title drought. For a nation that had seen its team fall short in five previous CPL finals, this victory was sweet and symbolic – a moment of unity and pride that transcended cricket. President Dr. Irfaan Ali joined the celebrations on the field, congratulating players like captain Imran Tahir and local star Shimron Hetmyer, and declaring the win “an immeasurable joy for all Guyanese.”

The final, played on the evening of September 24, 2023, at Providence just outside Georgetown, was a fairy tale for Guyana. Bowling first, the Warriors’ attack dismantled the star-studded Knight Riders for a paltry 94 runs. South African import Dwaine Pretorius led the charge with 4 wickets for 26 runs, while spin wizards Gudakesh Motie and Imran Tahir shared four wickets between them, bamboozling the opposition on a friendly home pitch. Chasing 95 under lights, the Warriors made it look like a stroll: young Pakistani batsman Saim Ayub smashed an unbeaten 52, supported by the calm veteran Shai Hope with 32 not out. Fittingly, it was Hope – a marquee Guyana player – who struck the winning runs, sparking an outpouring of emotion as fans danced in the stands and the players sprinted onto the field with Guyana’s flag draped around their shoulders. “This is not just a team victory, it’s a national celebration,” exclaimed commentator Ian Bishop as the television cameras panned to ecstatic supporters.

Indeed, Guyana erupted in revelry that night. From the National Stadium to street corners, the atmosphere was carnival-like. Car horns blared through Georgetown and impromptu motorcades of flag-waving fans paraded late into the night. Restaurants and bars reported packed crowds as people gathered around TVs to witness the historic moment. Social media flooded with congratulations, including posts from former players and officials across the region. Cricket West Indies President Kishore Shallow lauded the Warriors as “deserved champions”, noting their decade-long wait had finally ended in front of home fans. Many pointed out how poetic it was that Guyana, an “oil nation” now enjoying newfound wealth, had finally struck sporting gold in CPL – an achievement that had eluded them since the league’s inception in 2013. The victory seemed to mirror the country’s broader fortunes, fueling a sense of optimism.

Government officials wasted no time in honoring the team. President Ali hosted the Amazon Warriors squad at State House the following day, where he commended their professionalism and teamwork “in creating a historic and memorable victory for Guyana.” He announced that each player and support staff member would receive a special incentive – reported as monetary bonuses and land parcels – as a token of appreciation on behalf of the nation. The President also used the occasion to emphasize his government’s commitment to sports development. “This triumph shows what Guyanese can achieve with hard work and support,” Ali said, highlighting recent investments such as new stadiums and training facilities. He pledged continued backing for cricket programs, from grassroots to elite, to ensure Guyana remains a powerhouse.

The Amazon Warriors’ success has had ripple effects beyond just pride. Cricket academies in Guyana reported a surge of young enrollments in the weeks after the win, as children were inspired by heroes like Shimron Hetmyer, Keemo Paul, and Romario Shepherd – local talents who featured in the campaign. There’s also talk that Providence Stadium’s rollicking atmosphere and sell-out crowds during CPL have strengthened Guyana’s case for hosting more international matches. In fact, Providence is set to host matches in the ICC T20 World Cup (men’s) next year, including a semi-final, putting Guyana firmly on the cricketing map as a premier venue. The government has been quick to note that this aligns with its sports-tourism push; the CPL final win provided a perfect promotional vignette of Guyana’s passion.

For the team and its loyal fans, however, the emotional significance outweighs all else. The Amazon Warriors had been to the finals five times previously (2013, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2019) and lost each, earning an unfortunate reputation as perennial bridesmaids. Breaking that jinx lifted a monkey off the nation’s back. As captain Imran Tahir – the 44-year-old Pakistani-born spinner who became a Guyanese sporting icon – put it, “We played our hearts out for the people of Guyana.” His tearful, joyful reaction was replayed on local TV for days. Now, talk in cricket circles is whether the Amazon Warriors can build a dynasty on this breakthrough. But for the moment, Guyana is content simply to bask in the glory of being champions. The memory of that night at Providence – a united crowd, the national colors flying high, and a long-awaited trophy finally in hand – will be cherished for years to come as one of the country’s finest sporting hours.

KATO, Region 8 – On a cool morning in the Pakaraima foothills, Toshao Sandra Brazao surveys Kato Village’s communal farm, where workers are harvesting cassava and peanuts. It’s a routine scene with a historic twist: Brazao is the first woman ever to lead Kato, a remote Patamona Amerindian community. Her election in 2024 shattered a glass ceiling in a village – and a society – where leadership was traditionally male-dominated. “At first some elders were unsure about a woman in charge,” Brazao admits with a smile. “Now they see the results and they’re supportive.” In just a year, she’s spearheaded projects to improve local healthcare access and start a cottage industry making cassava bread for regional markets. Kato is not alone. All across Guyana’s interior, women are stepping into leadership roles in their villages and bringing fresh perspectives to community development.

Recent local elections for village councils saw an unprecedented number of female toshaos and senior councillors chosen. Thirty-five women now serve as either Toshao or deputy in various communities – about 14% of all indigenous leaders, up from single digits not long ago. Some villages, like Waramadong in Region 7 and Santa Rosa in Region 1 (the country’s largest indigenous settlement), elected women as Toshao for the first time in centuries of existence. In Waramadong, Amrita Thomas made history as the first female chief of the Akawaio community. Her agenda includes expanding educational opportunities for girls and preserving cultural heritage. Over in the North West District, Santa Rosa’s new Toshao, businesswoman Whanita Phillips, has prioritized sustainable fishing practices and youth training. These women bring diverse backgrounds – Thomas is a former teacher, Phillips an entrepreneur – and they share a common refrain: “Leadership is not confined to gender,” as one of them put it.

The push for women in leadership has been bolstered by government and civil society initiatives. The Ministry of Amerindian Affairs and various NGOs have conducted women’s leadership workshops, encouraging females on village councils to run for the top job. Many of the newly elected female toshaos had previously served as councillors or treasurers, earning trust over time. For instance, Sonia Latchman of Bethany (Region 2) was re-elected Toshao and serves as Vice-Chair of the National Toshaos Council – she’s a teacher by profession and has become a vocal advocate for women’s voices in decision-making at the national level. Latchman’s rise to a Caribbean regional indigenous leadership role (she was named lead expert for the Americas on indigenous rights) showcases the growing influence of Guyanese indigenous women beyond their communities. “Women’s leadership leads to more inclusive changes,” Latchman argues, noting that women often focus on issues like education, healthcare, and family welfare that male leaders might overlook.

The transformation hasn’t been entirely smooth. Some communities initially resisted – there were reports that in one village, a faction attempted to invalidate the vote when a woman won. However, the Amerindian Affairs Ministry made clear that democratic outcomes must be respected, and after mediation, the community accepted their new Toshao. “There’s been decades of gender awareness building, and it’s paying off,” says Sharon Atkinson, a longtime activist from Region 9. She recalls that even in the 1990s, it was rare to see women speak up at village meetings. Now, many community development projects are led by women, and villages increasingly judge leaders by performance, not gender. In Awarewaunau (Region 9), where 27-year-old Roxanne Beck was elected Toshao last year, residents credit her with reviving the cattle farmers’ co-op and securing solar panels for households. “She’s small in size but mighty in actions,” an elderly villager said of Beck, affectionately.

The emergence of female leaders dovetails with nationwide efforts to empower women. President Irfaan Ali’s government has appointed several women to key posts – including the first female Chief of Staff of the Defence Force and more women as regional officials. In indigenous communities specifically, policies like increased scholarships for hinterland girls and support for artisan businesses run by women have been crucial. Amarilyn David, who runs a women’s embroidery group in Region 1, says having a woman Toshao in a neighboring village helped her secure a small business grant. “She understood what we were trying to do and linked us with the right folks,” David explains. “Sometimes you need that peer support.”

There’s also a cultural shift among the men. Younger indigenous men often voice pride in female relatives leading. One young man from Moruca said of their Toshao, “She is my aunt, and she’s fearless. We’re all backing her.” Still, challenges like domestic violence and unequal access to opportunities persist in some areas, issues the new wave of women leaders has vowed to tackle. The government has launched sensitization campaigns and even floated the idea of quotas for women in village councils, though for now the organic rise in numbers makes quotas unnecessary.

As these pioneering women navigate governance, many rely on networking with each other. WhatsApp groups of female toshaos buzz daily – sharing advice on dealing with mining companies, or tips on negotiating better prices for village products. In August, a historic “Women Leaders Conference” was convened alongside the National Toshaos Council meeting, giving a platform for the women to coordinate and present collective concerns (like requesting more daycare facilities so young mothers can attend training programs). This solidarity augurs well for sustaining the trend. “Our daughters see us and know they can lead too,” Toshao Brazao says, watching schoolgirls play in Kato’s yard. For those daughters and the whole community, the example set by women like Brazao and her peers is transformative: power and responsibility in indigenous society are no longer the sole domain of men, but a shared journey to a better future.

LETHEM, Region 9 – On a sun-baked afternoon in the Rupununi savannah, villagers from Aishara Toon gather under a benab (thatch canopy) to celebrate something unseen but life-changing: clean running water, now flowing in their community for the first time. “We waited generations for this,” says 60-year-old elder Samuel James as a new solar-powered well system hums in the background. Aishara Toon’s solar water project was one of 811 village-led development projects completed across Guyana’s interior in the past year, all funded by an unprecedented injection of resources into Amerindian communities. From potable water and agriculture to tourism and crafts, indigenous villages are experiencing a development renaissance driven by both government support and the leadership of local “toshaos” (village chiefs) and councils.

The catalyst for this wave of projects has been the Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS) initiative and its carbon credit funding. Under a groundbreaking agreement, Guyana is earning millions by selling a portion of its forest carbon credits to the international market (notably to Hess Corporation) – and channeling a significant share directly to indigenous communities. Since 2022, the PPP/C government has committed at least 15% of all carbon revenues to Amerindian development funds, and in 2024 it boosted that to 26.5%, resulting in GY$4.84 billion (about US$23 million) being transferred to 242 villages. “This is money in the hands of the villagers, to use as they see fit for their development,” President Irfaan Ali said at the National Toshaos Council conference, where he announced the increased allocation. The impact has been immediate. Over the past year, those 242 villages have collectively rolled out hundreds of projects – a scale of grassroots development never before seen in Guyana’s hinterland.

Take Shea Village in the Deep South Rupununi: with its carbon grant, Shea built a small eco-lodge and training center. “We had youths unemployed. Now some are tour guides, others manage the lodge,” says Toshao Marianne Fredericks. The village partners with nearby farms to supply the lodge, spreading income around. Up in the northwest, in Waramuri (Region 1), the grant funded a cassava flour processing facility. Women there, traditionally subsistence farmers, formed a cooperative to produce cassava flour and other products for regional markets. They’ve branded it “Waramuri Gold” and are selling to school feeding programs, doubling household incomes. These ventures align perfectly with local needs and skills – a key strength of letting villages decide their priorities. “We know what we need most,” says Toshao Fredericks. “For us it was jobs and a way to keep our culture while earning – tourism was ideal.”

The central government has complemented these direct transfers with broader support. The 2025 national budget allocated $7.2 billion specifically for Amerindian development – covering things like infrastructure (farm-to-market roads, airstrips), education, and economic opportunities. Notably, $650 million is dedicated to accelerating land titling for indigenous communities, an issue long pending. Another $1.5 billion is funding the expanded Community Support Officers program to employ young people (which has concurrently been a huge success, as seen in other communities). “Unmatched Amerindian benefits thus far prove our commitment to Indigenous rights,” Attorney General Anil Nandlall proclaimed in Parliament recently. While that might sound like political chest-thumping, on the ground many Amerindian leaders do acknowledge improvements. At the toshaos conference, one prominent chief from Region 7, Damon Corrie, remarked that he’s never seen a government engage so continuously with the villages. “They consult us, they fund us, and importantly they trust us to manage the funds,” he said, referencing how the carbon money is managed by village councils themselves.

Perhaps the most dramatic strides have come in education and health outcomes in hinterland areas. According to official reports shared at the toshaos meeting, 83% of teachers in hinterland regions are now trained, up from just 43% in 2020. This massive jump is attributed to intensive teacher training programs and incentives to attract qualified teachers to remote areas. President Ali highlighted that achievement with pride, linking it directly to improvements in student performance. In health, villages that never had resident healthcare workers now do, thanks to training of hundreds of community health workers and medex. Region 9’s health outreach saw surgical procedures performed in far-flung health centers where previously even critical patients had to be evacuated. Moreover, modern amenities like telemedicine are popping up (17 telemedicine sites in Region 1 alone), bridging distances that once meant life or death delays. These advancements have tangible human stories behind them – mothers no longer fearing childbirth complications due to lack of care, children staying in school longer because qualified teachers are present, families getting electricity through solar installations so students can study at night.

Yet challenges remain. Some indigenous advocates caution that not all villages have moved at the same speed – capacity varies. A few struggled to get projects off the ground quickly, citing procurement hurdles or lack of technical skills. The government has responded by sending out “technical support teams” from the Ministries to assist lagging communities with planning and accounting. Another concern is whether these investments can be sustained. Carbon credit funds will continue annually for a decade, but beyond that, villages may need to ensure projects become self-sufficient businesses or lobby for new revenue streams (like payments for ecosystem services). Toshao Sylvia Stevens of Region 1 noted, “We’re happy for the funds, but we also want training in how to maintain these projects long-term.”

Nevertheless, the mood in most communities is hopeful. For the first time, many feel seen and heard in national development. At a recent village meeting in Annai, an elderly Councillor stood up and marveled that “the young people are busy every day now, building something. We’re not waiting on government to do it for us – they gave us the means, and we do it ourselves.” That newfound agency is perhaps the greatest gain. It’s not just about the shiny new tractor in Aranaputa or the sewing workshop in Moraikobai; it’s about communities charting their own destinies with supportive partners in government. In a country where indigenous peoples were long on the periphery of progress, that shift feels nothing short of historic.

MAHDIA, Region 8 – In this once-quiet mining town nestled in Guyana’s Pakaraima mountains, a remarkable transformation is taking place. Just a few years ago, many young people in Mahdia had limited job prospects beyond gold panning or leaving for the coast. Today, two of the town’s top elected officials – the Mayor and Deputy Mayor – are both under 30 and got their start through a youth community service program that’s been a game-changer for hinterland villages. Their journey from eager teen volunteers to local leaders is emblematic of how the Community Support Officers (CSO) initiative is reshaping lives and empowering a new generation of indigenous and hinterland youth.

The CSO program, launched by the PPP/C government in 2013, provides paid placements for young people in remote Amerindian communities to work on local development projects – anything from assisting health clinics and schools to agriculture and tourism projects. For Mahdia’s Mayor, 28-year-old Daniel G, it was a springboard. “I became a CSO at 18, cleaning trails and helping elders with paperwork,” he recalls. “It wasn’t glamorous, but it gave me purpose and respect in the community.” By the time he was 22, Daniel was leading a team of CSOs in surrounding villages and had gained a reputation for getting things done. So when Mahdia attained township status and held its first council elections, he ran – and won a seat, eventually becoming Mayor. His Deputy Mayor, Sasha P, has a similar story: a former CSO who led adult literacy classes in her village, then got elected to the town council at just 25. “The CSO program opened doors for me,” Sasha says. “It showed people, and me myself, that youth could take charge responsibly.”

Such success stories seemed unlikely just a few years back. The CSO program itself went through a rollercoaster. In 2015, when a different government took office, the program was abruptly scrapped. Thousands of young Amerindians were sent home – a move the then-administration justified by alleging (without evidence) that CSOs were doing political work for the PPP. The impact was devastating in villages where CSOs had been running the only library or maintaining the only trails. “We lost five years,” says Toshao (village chief) Marsha of a Region 9 community. “Our youth had no jobs, and community projects stalled.” The PPP/C had warned that axing the program would hurt hinterland development, and indeed an estimated GY$3.6 billion in income was taken out of those communities over 2015–2020. Sure enough, when the PPP/C returned to power in 2020, one of President Irfaan Ali’s first acts was to reinstate and expand the CSO initiative.

Today the program is flourishing at unprecedented levels. There are 2,759 CSOs active as of mid-2025, more than ever before. The monthly stipend, once GY$30,000, has been boosted to GY$40,000 – a significant income in villages where cash jobs are scarce. Importantly, the program now goes beyond just a paycheck; it incorporates skills training in tourism, IT, small engine repairs, and other trades needed in the hinterland economy. The government invested GY$60 million in training last year to equip CSOs with marketable skills. “We want them to become entrepreneurs and leaders,” explains Minister of Amerindian Affairs Pauline Sukhai, under whose purview the program falls. Evidence of that leadership is cropping up. In addition to Mahdia, several other villages boast former CSOs now serving as councillors, teachers, health workers – even one newly minted lawyer who benefited from a government scholarship after her CSO stint.

Not everyone has been supportive, though. Some opposition voices continue to claim the CSO program is a political tool to influence young voters. At a recent public meeting, an opposition MP suggested CSOs were doing “party work.” This drew backlash from the participants themselves. “I am a CSO and I am not doing any dirty work,” asserted Ruvita Pio of Kurukabaru village in Region 8. “We’re cleaning community spaces and helping our people. What’s political about that?” The young woman’s defiant response, captured on video, went viral on local social media – turning her into an inadvertent champion for the program. “They tried to discredit us before and shut us down,” Ruvita says, referencing 2015, “but this time we won’t let them. We have proven our worth.”

The pride and confidence emanating from current CSOs is palpable. In a visit to the Annai training center in Region 9, dozens of youth in uniforms spoke excitedly about their plans. One 19-year-old said he’s learning to be a solar panel technician and hopes to install panels in all the homes of his village. A young mother in the program said the stipend gives her independence and she’s saving to start a small cassava processing business. These are the kinds of grassroots transformations that often go unnoticed in big political debates, but they matter profoundly to communities. As Mahdia’s dynamic young Mayor puts it, “The CSO program didn’t just give me a job; it gave my generation a voice and a stake in our community’s future.” And now that voice is rising – from the remote mountain villages to the halls of local government – echoing a broader theme in Guyana: inclusion and empowerment of those historically left on the margins.

GEORGETOWN – With general elections on the horizon, Guyana’s ruling People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) has hit the campaign trail touting a lengthy list of accomplishments and promises of continued transformation – a forward-looking message that the opposition is finding hard to counter amid its internal woes. This past weekend, the PPP/C held a high-energy rally on the Essequibo Coast (Region 2) to officially kick off what it calls the “Journey to Prosperity” campaign. Against a backdrop of new farm machinery and school buses symbolizing government projects, speaker after speaker reminded the crowd of pledges kept: thousands of jobs created, free education delivered, infrastructure rising. “We didn’t come to make promises – we came to report promises fulfilled,” declared Prime Minister Mark Phillips to loud cheers.

The PPP/C’s campaign narrative centers on competence and continuity. In stump speeches across the regions, President Irfaan Ali and Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo have been enumerating tangible improvements since 2020. The talking points are backed by data: over 50,000 jobs added economy-wide (including part-time and part-year positions), driven by construction and emerging oil-related industries; public sector wages up by 40% cumulatively; old-age pensions nearly doubled; and free tuition at the University of Guyana now in effect. At a campaign stop in Berbice, President Ali even held aloft a copy of the opposition’s 2015 manifesto, quipping that many items in it – like ending UG fees – were “now checked off by us, not them.” The crowd erupted when he asked, “Who did it? We did it!” – a chant quickly taken up by supporters. It’s a confident strategy to claim not only PPP/C’s traditional promises but also seize the opposition’s ideas by having implemented them.

Meanwhile, the opposition APNU+AFC’s campaign has been slow out of the blocks. Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton has focused his early rhetoric on what he calls government mismanagement: warning of rising cost of living, alleging corruption in contract awards, and arguing that oil wealth isn’t reaching ordinary people. However, his message has been undermined by recent developments. For one, the cost-of-living argument is less salient with inflation under 3% and government cash grants – like a $100,000 one-time payout to vulnerable households last year – easing some burdens. Secondly, Norton’s coalition appears distracted by its own divisions. In the past week, more headlines were generated by an opposition MP’s resignation to form a new party than by APNU’s campaign initiatives. The opposition did release a statement calling the PPP’s rallies “concerts to mask failures,” but it struggled to list major failures beyond generalized claims. Their critique that “oil money is being squandered” has not gained much traction, partly because institutions like the IMF have given approving nods to Guyana’s economic management.

Notably, the PPP/C is also campaigning on inclusive governance – trying to peel away opposition-leaning constituencies. In Linden (Region 10), a predominantly Afro-Guyanese community considered an opposition stronghold, the PPP/C held town hall meetings highlighting government investments there: a new technical institute, upgrades to the Linden-Mabura road, and a planned athletic track and stadium. “No part of Guyana is left behind,” Public Works Minister Juan Edghill told Linden residents, emphasizing that the PPP/C government provided jobs for local youths on road projects and reinstated electricity subsidies for the town that the previous government had removed. By addressing historical grievances (Linden had seen protests over electricity rates under a past PPP government), the ruling party is attempting to neutralize ethnic-political loyalties. Their slate of candidates for Parliament will reportedly include more diverse faces – young professionals and even some ex-opposition members – which the PPP/C hopes will signal its broad appeal.

The opposition coalition, still bearing the APNU+AFC label for now, has tried to regain footing by promising big changes if elected. In a recent press conference, Norton vowed to renegotiate oil contracts to get Guyana a larger share of profits and to establish a $1 million fund for each village to use at its discretion. He also said an APNU+AFC government would remove “excessive” taxes on the oil industry to spur investment. That raised eyebrows, as it seemed to conflict with the push for more revenue from oil companies. Critics immediately pointed out that in their five years in power, APNU+AFC never renegotiated the ExxonMobil contract they inherited, and in fact increased some taxes. The PPP/C seized on these inconsistencies: Minister Jagdeo called Norton’s pledges “bluff and bluster,” saying the opposition is simply telling each audience what it thinks they want to hear – more oil revenue here, fewer taxes there – without a coherent plan. For undecided voters, this lack of clarity could be problematic.

Elections in Guyana often hinge on core support bases, but swing voters – especially the younger generation born after the tumult of the 1990s – are playing a growing role. Both sides acknowledge this. PPP/C has tailored social media content highlighting first-time achievements (like a young woman who became her village’s first university graduate thanks to a GOAL scholarship). The opposition has tried to energize youth too, holding small concerts and speaking of future opportunities. However, the PPP/C’s advantage of incumbency and visible projects lends credibility to its narrative of “we’re building your future now.” With the campaign still in early days, the opposition’s challenge is to craft a compelling message that goes beyond criticizing the government – one that resonates as strongly as the PPP/C’s drumbeat of progress. Otherwise, as one commentator noted, “Elections might become a referendum on whether to stay the course – and right now the course looks pretty good to many.”

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s opposition landscape has been thrown into further disarray with the high-profile resignation of opposition Member of Parliament Amanza Walton-Desir from the People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR) and her launch of a new political party just months before general elections. Walton-Desir, who served as the opposition’s Shadow Foreign Minister, announced on June 18, 2025 that she was leaving the PNCR – the largest party in the APNU+AFC opposition coalition – to form an independent movement called “Forward Guyana.” The development sent shockwaves through political circles, as it marks one of the most significant opposition splits in recent years and comes at a time when unity would be crucial for challenging the incumbent PPP/C government.

At a press conference in Georgetown, Walton-Desir cited disenchantment with the PNCR’s direction and internal dynamics as reasons for her departure. “The traditional politics is not working for our people,” she said, pointedly criticizing a lack of inclusivity in decision-making. Insiders suggest she had butted heads with PNCR leader Aubrey Norton over campaign strategy and candidate selection for the upcoming elections. The PNCR has been hemorrhaging senior members: Walton-Desir’s exit follows the recent resignations of a former party chairman and at least two regional party organizers. This exodus has left the opposition ranks thin on experienced figures.

Norton, the Opposition Leader, attempted to downplay the impact. In a statement, the PNCR claimed Walton-Desir had been assured a role in the party’s campaign and a guaranteed Parliament seat if the opposition wins, implying that her grievances were unfounded. The statement went so far as to accuse her of misrepresenting facts in her resignation letter. Despite the harsh words, it thanked her for past service and wished her well – a sign perhaps of concern not to alienate her supporters.

The creation of Forward Guyana introduces a new variable into the election equation. Walton-Desir, an articulate lawyer in her 40s, has a profile that appeals to urban middle-class voters and some younger professionals. Her new party’s platform emphasizes anti-corruption, youth empowerment, and bridging Guyana’s ethnic divide – themes also championed by the ruling PPP/C, interestingly. It remains unclear how many votes or which demographics Forward Guyana might peel away. Some analysts believe Walton-Desir could attract disaffected APNU+AFC supporters who have lost confidence in Norton’s leadership, as well as a slice of independent voters yearning for alternatives.

However, the first-past-the-post nature of Guyana’s electoral system (for Parliament, parties’ share of seats is proportional to votes) means even a small swing could alter seat counts. “If Forward Guyana draws even 3–5% of the vote, predominantly from APNU’s base, it could cost the opposition a couple of seats,” one elections expert observed. The risk for the opposition is a vote-splitting scenario that bolsters the PPP/C’s majority.

This opposition fragmentation comes atop existing cracks. The Alliance For Change (AFC), the junior partner in the coalition, has already decided to contest separately rather than under the joint APNU+AFC list. Relations between the PNCR and AFC soured after the 2020 loss, and attempts to negotiate a fresh accord failed. AFC officials have publicly complained of being sidelined by PNCR; Norton’s camp retorted that the AFC has little electoral clout left. Regardless, the once-unified front is now anything but – voters will likely see at least three separate opposition parties on the ballot (PNCR-led APNU, AFC, and Forward Guyana), each vying against the dominant PPP/C. This splintering notably reverses the trend that brought the opposition to power in 2015, when broad unity was its strength. “The opposition’s house is divided at the worst possible time,” veteran journalist Denis Chabrol commented in a recent column.

The PPP/C, for its part, has thus far stayed mum on Walton-Desir’s move, at least officially. Unofficially, PPP/C figures cannot help but view the turmoil as advantageous. PPP/C General Secretary Bharrat Jagdeo has previously noted that the PPP/C has never lost an election when the opposition is divided – a historical truth given Guyana’s ethnopolitical arithmetic. At a community meeting last week, President Irfaan Ali refrained from direct commentary but told supporters, “We must remain focused and united; let others fight among themselves.” The ruling party continues to welcome individual defections from the opposition; in fact, since late 2022, a handful of mid-level PNCR and AFC members from various regions have publicly endorsed the PPP/C, saying they prefer its development agenda.

Walton-Desir, however, is charting her own course rather than joining the PPP/C. She insists her new party will be issue-driven and not merely an anti-PPP pressure group. With potentially less than three months to go before elections (widely expected by September 2025), the opposition faces a daunting task to present a cohesive alternative. Norton has tried to project confidence, asserting that “the core support remains intact.” Yet behind closed doors, APNU strategists are reportedly recalculating scenarios in light of Forward Guyana’s entry.

Some in the opposition camp hold out hope for a last-minute reconciliation – perhaps an electoral pact where the new party would endorse the main opposition list in exchange for policy concessions or post-election cooperation. Walton-Desir thus far has given no indication of such a deal, and time is short. For now, PPP/C campaigners have the luxury of watching their opponents’ turbulence from the sidelines. The true impact of the opposition split will only be known on election night, but one thing is certain: the road to unseating the PPP/C just got steeper for Guyana’s fractured opposition.

GEORGETOWN – In a stunning barometer of political momentum ahead of Guyana’s next general elections, the ruling People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) scored a landslide victory in the 2023 Local Government Elections – a result that has left the opposition reeling. Preliminary figures from the June 2023 municipal and neighborhood council polls showed the PPP/C winning control of 66 out of 80 Local Authority Areas (LAAs) nationwide, a dramatic increase from the 52 areas it held after the last local elections in 2018. The main opposition coalition, A Partnership for National Unity (APNU), managed to secure just 14 councils, down sharply from 23 in 2018. PPP/C General Secretary Bharrat Jagdeo hailed the outcome as “a wipeout” of the opposition at the local level, and many political observers agree the results spell big trouble for APNU going into the 2025 general election.

The PPP/C not only dominated rural councils in its traditional strongholds, but also made significant inroads into areas historically loyal to the opposition. Notably, the governing party won outright majorities in 7 of the 10 townships (municipalities), including for the first time the towns of Mabaruma, Mahdia, and Bartica, which are in regions long considered opposition turf. In Bartica (Region 7), the PPP/C flipped the council by securing 1,787 votes to APNU’s 1,601 – a remarkable swing from 2018 when APNU held sway. PPP/C also doubled its vote count in the capital city Georgetown compared to the last local election, though APNU narrowly retained a majority on the Georgetown city council. Still, even the opposition’s grip on Georgetown has loosened – PPP/C won 7 of 15 constituencies in the city, up from just 2 five years prior. In several Georgetown wards, younger voters turned out in higher numbers, drawn by PPP/C’s message of urban development and perhaps disenchanted with the city’s stagnant leadership.

The opposition’s post-mortem of the local elections has been fraught. APNU leaders initially downplayed the results, arguing that local turnout was low and thus not a definitive gauge of national sentiment. However, that narrative was undercut by their own actions: APNU promptly demanded recounts in a handful of close races it lost (such as in Mahdia, which PPP/C clinched by a mere 3 votes), and even alleged irregularities in certain areas. By September 2023, the opposition was calling for a probe into supposed procedural issues, after one local GECOM clerk was charged with a minor infraction. Yet independent observers and the national election commission have stated the LGE was free and fair overall, with only isolated incidents. Many analysts see the opposition’s stance as an attempt to explain away a poor performance. “The margin was too large to blame on anything but voter preference,” said one elections expert, noting PPP/C’s gains were widespread and not confined to any one region.

PPP/C officials, for their part, have been buoyant but cautious in interpreting the results. President Irfaan Ali thanked voters for the overwhelming support and suggested it reflected approval of his administration’s development agenda. Since taking office in 2020, the PPP/C government has channeled significant resources into local projects – from roads to potable water systems – and it campaigned on that record. “People can see the transformations in their communities, and they voted for more,” Ali said at a victory rally. Jagdeo, the party’s secretary, was more blunt about the political implications: he argued that the PPP/C’s “sweet victory” in local polls foreshadows major problems for APNU in 2025. Historically, local election trends in Guyana have indeed been harbingers of the subsequent general election. In this case, PPP/C not only held its base but encroached into the opposition’s – a scenario that, if repeated nationally, would lead to a lopsided general election outcome.

The opposition’s internal turmoil is compounding its worries. Coming out of the LGE drubbing, APNU’s coalition partner AFC openly questioned the coalition’s viability, and some APNU figures quietly conceded that the leadership needed a shake-up to reconnect with voters. So far, no major changes have occurred at the top of the opposition, but pressure is building. Meanwhile, PPP/C is not resting: the party has since dispatched teams to even those few councils it lost, aiming to address local issues and perhaps win over residents by 2025. In Georgetown and Linden (an opposition stronghold town where PPP/C also improved its vote share), government outreach has increased through ministerial visits and promises of new development projects. These moves put the opposition on the defensive on their home turf.

As Guyana inches closer to a general election, the local election landslide stands as a stark warning to the opposition: voters rewarded performance and punished stagnation. If APNU and its allies cannot find a compelling message – and a unified front – to counter the PPP/C’s momentum, they risk a similar fate on the bigger stage.

GEORGETOWN – The dream of free tertiary education has at long last become a reality in Guyana. The start of the new year ushered in a landmark policy: as of January 2025, tuition fees at the University of Guyana (UG) have been abolished, making education at the nation’s premier university free of charge for all students. The fulfillment of this major promise by the PPP/C government was formally announced by President Dr. Irfaan Ali during an address to Parliament late last year. Lawmakers from the government benches thumped their desks in approval as the President declared, “From the next academic year, no Guyanese will pay for tuition at UG. Education, as our Constitution envisaged, is now truly free.”

The announcement was met with joy from students and parents nationwide. Immediately, applications to UG surged; the university administration reported a significant jump in enrollment interest for the 2025 semester, especially from students in rural regions who previously found costs prohibitive. Vice Chancellor Paloma Mohamed-Martin, speaking at a subsequent press conference, called the policy “transformational,” noting that financial barriers had long kept qualified youths out of higher education. The government has allocated funds in Budget 2025 to fully subvent UG’s operating costs, estimated at around GY$3 billion annually, to replace lost tuition revenue. Education Minister Priya Manickchand assured that quality will be maintained, as the budget includes provisions to hire additional lecturers and expand facilities to handle the expected increase in student intake.

In Parliament, even members of the opposition acknowledged the significance of this step, though not without some political jabs. Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton, while welcoming free university education as beneficial to citizens, quipped that “the idea was ours first” – alluding to the fact that free education was enshrined in Guyana’s Constitution since the 1970s but never implemented in full. His remark drew chuckles, given that his party had been in office just a few years ago and did not enact the policy. In fact, critics pointed out that during the previous APNU–AFC administration, university fees remained in place and even saw adjustments. Government MP and former Education Minister, Priya Manickchand, responded pointedly: “It’s this government that is doing it now, after 28 years of unkept promises by various parties.” She highlighted that the PPP/C had pledged in its 2020 manifesto to restore free tertiary education by 2025, and it has delivered right on schedule.

The policy’s rollout has not been without questions. Some opposition parliamentarians pressed the government on sustainability: Can Guyana afford this long-term? Finance Ministry officials in the parliamentary committee explained that with the rapidly expanding economy and oil revenues, the expenditure is manageable. Guyana’s tertiary education spending will rise but remains a small fraction of the national budget. Moreover, officials argue, the return on investment will be high – more graduates to staff Guyana’s growing industries and government services. They also cite the country’s burgeoning scholarship program (GOAL), which has already funded tens of thousands of online degrees and certificates in the past two years, as evidence that education spending is a top priority. “It’s not a cost, it’s an investment in our human capital,” asserted MP Faisal Jafferally.

One interesting twist came on the political trail: even after free tuition was set in motion, the opposition coalition in its early campaign messaging promised to “implement free university education.” Government supporters quickly pounced, noting that promise was outdated by events. Commentators in the press urged both sides to avoid politicking the issue. “Free education should be a national achievement, not a partisan football,” wrote one editorialist. So far, the initial reports are positive – students are registering without paying fees, and some who had dropped out for financial reasons are returning to complete degrees. Final-year UG student Roshana Singh beamed outside Parliament after watching the announcement from the public gallery. “My younger sister will start UG next year and we won’t have to struggle to pay,” she said. “This opens doors for so many of us.” For President Ali’s government, that is precisely the point: oil wealth fueling brainpower, and fulfilling an old promise to build Guyana’s future minds free of charge.

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s National Assembly has unanimously passed amendments to the Representation of the People Act (ROPA) to fortify the country’s electoral system, a move widely seen as a safeguard against a repeat of the tumultuous 2020 election saga. The amendment, though technical in nature, closes a key loophole in election administration that came to light during the protracted 2020 vote count. Attorney General Anil Nandlall, SC, who tabled the changes, said they “address an oversight” in the law by explicitly providing for deputy supernumerary returning officers in the largest electoral districts guyana standard. In layman’s terms, this ensures backup officials are in place to help manage the count in Regions 3, 4, and 6 – areas where the absence of clearly defined deputies previously caused confusion and was exploited by rogue elements.

During the 2020 general elections, Guyana endured a five-month impasse as allegations of fraud and the sudden illness of a key returning officer in Region 4 threw the process into disarray. Subsequent inquiries revealed that lack of clarity in the chain of command contributed to the chaos. “Never again,” was the message from government speakers as Parliament debated the ROPA amendment on Monday. Nandlall reminded colleagues that a comprehensive set of electoral reforms had been promised and partially enacted in 2022, overhauling everything from voter registration rules to the tabulation process. However, in the final stages of drafting those reforms, a definition was inadvertently left incomplete – specifically, naming who can deputize a supernumerary returning officer (an official who oversees sub-district counts in large regions). The new amendment rectifies that by formally defining “supernumerary deputy returning officers” and adding them to the law’s framework.

Debate on the floor was brief and notably collegial. Opposition MPs raised no objection to the substance of the amendment – a reflection of cross-party desire to strengthen election credibility. Shadow Minister of Legal Affairs Roysdale Forde acknowledged that the chaos of 2020 “must never be repeated”, and supported measures that improve transparency. Government MP Sonia Parag, also Minister of Regional Development, spoke passionately about the importance of robust laws but noted, pointedly, that “the trauma of 2020 was not due to legislation but due to individuals who tried to twist the system”. This was a thinly veiled reference to election officers aligned with the then-government who were later accused of attempting to manipulate results. Parag lauded the wide consultations held on electoral reform, emphasizing that stakeholders from all sides – civil society, political parties, international experts – contributed to the 2022 reforms. The consensus to pass this additional fix, she said, “shows we all learned from the ordeal.”

After the amendment sailed through its final reading, Speaker Manzoor Nadir commended the House for coming together on a national interest issue. Outside Parliament, observers also welcomed the move. The Guyana Elections Commission (GECOM) in a statement said the clarified law will improve efficiency in results management. “Having formally designated deputies means counts can continue seamlessly if a RO (returning officer) is unable to perform,” a GECOM commissioner explained, adding that new training manuals will incorporate the changes ahead of the next elections. The private sector and diplomatic community – both vocal during the 2020 impasse – also expressed approval. One Western ambassador noted that timely electoral reforms were among recommendations from international election observers: “It’s encouraging to see Guyana act on lessons learned.”

Notably, the ROPA tweak is part of a broader effort by the PPP/C government to strengthen democratic processes. Parallel amendments to the National Registration Act are being finalized to tighten voter list management. And just last month, President Irfaan Ali appointed new GECOM commissioners to fill vacancies, including one from the opposition’s list, maintaining the balanced composition mandated by law. While political tempers often flare in Georgetown, on this occasion all sides concurred on the importance of credible elections. As Guyana prepares for the 2025 polls, the legal scaffolding is now sturdier. Of course, as Minister Parag reminded, laws alone cannot guarantee integrity – that requires ethical conduct. Still, with this parliamentarian fix, any would-be disruptors of the future will find far fewer cracks in the system to exploit.

The Government of Guyana is advancing its promise of equitable development by transforming education in Region 7 (Cuyuni–Mazaruni) through improved digital connectivity. Since 2020, ten remote hinterland schools have been outfitted with satellite internet to support e-learning initiatives, ensuring that even the most isolated communities gain access to quality education (Ministry of Education’s Annual Report, 2024). This initiative is part of the larger “Hinterland Smart Schools Initiative,” designed to close the digital gap between coastal and interior regions and provide equal learning opportunities to Indigenous and rural students (Ministry of Education’s Annual Report, 2024).

Region 7 has long faced challenges stemming from its rugged terrain and sparse population, making traditional schooling difficult. Thanks to a collaborative effort between the National Data Management Authority (NDMA) and the Ministry of Public Telecommunications, communities such as Kamarang, Waramadong, Jawalla, and Itaballi now benefit from reliable online access. Students and teachers can connect to online learning platforms, participate in virtual classrooms, and use the Guyana Learning Channel for additional lessons (NDMA Progress Update, December 2023). The satellite infrastructure also supports teacher training and curriculum updates, ensuring that educators remain well-equipped to deliver modern lessons.

The impact of these improvements is being felt across classrooms. Teachers report that attendance has increased and students are more engaged now that they have access to the same learning resources as their urban counterparts. A school leader in Jawalla shared that this connectivity has dramatically improved student motivation and performance (Guyana Chronicle, February 12, 2024). Beyond student learning, teachers are also accessing professional development opportunities online, helping to build their instructional skills and confidence in using technology (Guyana Chronicle, February 12, 2024).

This project is a key element of Guyana’s broader ICT Master Plan for Education 2023–2027, which prioritizes extending technology-enabled learning to underserved regions (Ministry of Education, 2023). The rollout in Region 7 marks an early phase in a national strategy that aims to expand similar programs to other regions by 2026, signaling the government’s commitment to sustained and inclusive growth.

By connecting hinterland schools to the digital world, the Government of Guyana is not just delivering internet service—it is opening doors to knowledge, opportunity, and a brighter future for the next generation. This is meaningful, people-centered development in action (Ministry of Education’s Annual Report, 2024).

Fulfilling its commitment to deliver improved infrastructure and economic opportunities, the Government has embarked on a major road rehabilitation programme in Region 6 (East Berbice–Corentyne). Since 2020, more than 150 local roads have been upgraded or newly constructed across the region, enhancing connectivity and directly addressing transportation challenges faced by residents. This initiative represents more than the laying of asphalt—it is a deliberate effort to stimulate economic growth and foster sustainable livelihoods (Ministry of Public Works, 2024).

The project has already generated over 5,000 jobs for residents, offering employment in construction, material supply, engineering supervision, and long-term road maintenance. The government’s approach emphasizes hiring locally wherever possible, ensuring that the benefits of these investments stay within the communities they are designed to serve. For many families, this has meant more stable incomes and greater financial security, reinforcing the government’s pledge to make development inclusive and people-centred (Ministry of Public Works, 2024).

Communities such as New Amsterdam, Albion, Port Mourant, and Canje have seen dramatic improvements in road conditions, reducing travel time and transportation costs. Better roads have also boosted access to education, healthcare, and markets, enabling farmers, vendors, and small businesses to move their goods more reliably and competitively. This has had a clear knock-on effect for food security, rural commerce, and community well-being, underscoring the role of infrastructure as a catalyst for wider socio-economic development (Office of the President, 2024).

The initiative has also emphasized strong local collaboration. By working closely with Neighbourhood Democratic Councils (NDCs) and community leaders, the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development has ensured that project priorities reflect residents’ actual needs. This consultative approach has increased transparency, accountability, and local buy-in, leading to smoother implementation and greater satisfaction with the results (Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, 2024).

As Guyana continues to modernize its infrastructure landscape, the Region 6 road rehabilitation programme stands as a model for how strategic public investment can drive both physical transformation and human development. By linking infrastructure to employment creation, the government is not merely paving roads—it is laying the foundation for a more equitable, resilient, and prosperous future for all its citizens (Ministry of Public Works, 2024).

Since 2020, Region 5 (Mahaica–Berbice) has been at the forefront of Guyana’s strategy to strengthen national food security, with over 35 agro-processing facilities now in full operation throughout the region. This initiative reflects a nationwide commitment to boost value-added agricultural production, decrease reliance on imports, and secure consistent food supplies for all citizens. In key agricultural centers like Mahaica, Mahaicony, and Blairmont, these facilities are converting fresh produce into market-ready products such as jams, cassava bread, plantain chips, sauces, and seasonings. According to the Ministry of Agriculture, these investments have helped reduce post-harvest losses—a long-standing issue that previously drained farmers’ incomes and productivity.

(Ministry of Agriculture, Guyana). The Guyana Marketing Corporation (GMC) has supported this growth by offering technical guidance, equipment, and training to local processors, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises, ensuring adherence to food safety standards and improving market competitiveness (GMC Annual Reports).

These developments also align with the broader Caribbean Community (CARICOM) “25 by 2025” initiative, which aims to slash regional food imports by 25% by 2025. Region 5’s agro-processing capacity directly feeds into this regional ambition, enabling local goods to access not only domestic markets but also export routes across the Caribbean (Source: Ministry of Agriculture, Guyana). To reinforce this value chain, the government has invested in supporting infrastructure such as feeder roads, cold storage, and modern packaging facilities—projects funded through both national budgets and international partners like the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) (IDB Project Reports). Beyond processing capacity, these new facilities have delivered significant employment benefits, creating over 500 jobs for local communities, with particular opportunities for women and youth in Mahaica and Mahaicony since 2020 (Guyana Chronicle, March 2024).

What is unfolding in Region 5 represents more than industrial growth; it is a deliberate move toward food self-sufficiency. By equipping farmers and agro-entrepreneurs with the means to process and sell their produce locally, the government is laying the foundation for a resilient, sustainable food system that benefits all Guyanese. This progress stands as a testament to effective policy, targeted investment, and the determination to secure the country’s food future—a vision of development in motion, driven by the Guyanese Government and rooted in the fertile lands of Region 5.

Since 2020, the Government of Guyana has advanced an ambitious housing drive in Region 4 (Demerara–Mahaica), allocating over 14,000 house lots to address chronic urban overcrowding in areas like Greater Georgetown, La Bonne Intention, Great Diamond, and Two Friends. This initiative is part of a broader national commitment to deliver 50,000 house lots by 2025, led by the Ministry of Housing and Water. By early 2025, more than 40,800 residential lots had been distributed countrywide, with Region 4 securing the largest share—around 61% of total allocations or approximately 24,500 lots—due to its high population density and growing housing demand (Ministry of Housing and Water, Annual Report 2024). Notably, in 2023 alone, the region recorded 7,118 new allocations, underscoring its role as the leading performer in the national housing programme (Guyana Chronicle, January 2024).

But this programme is more than simply giving out land. The government’s strategy emphasizes the development of fully serviced, sustainable communities with essential infrastructure, including roads, drainage, electricity, and water supply systems. The 2025 budget allocated $112.6 billion to the housing sector to support these upgrades, as well as to construct new turnkey homes tailored to low- and middle-income families (Guyana Budget 2025 Highlights). Beneficiaries in Region 4 also benefit from the Steel and Cement Assistance Programme and the Core Home Support Programme, which provide subsidies and technical aid to help families start building their homes (Department of Public Information, July 2021).

Efforts have also focused on fairness and inclusion, addressing a backlog of applications dating back to 2019. Nearly 46% of house lots distributed nationwide in 2024 were allocated to women, reflecting a strong commitment to gender equity and social justice in access to housing (Ministry of Housing and Water, 2024). Programmes such as “Dream Realised” have accelerated titling and lot distribution while also offering construction support to ensure recipients can truly build homes and secure futures. In Region 4, the allocation of over 14,000 house lots since 2020 represents not just land distribution but the planned creation of thriving, well-serviced communities that meet real human needs. It is a testament to the government’s promise of real homes for real families—and to a vision of growth that is inclusive, sustainable, and genuinely transformative for the people of Guyana.

Guyana’s transportation sector is on the cusp of transformation as discussions deepen around the development of a railway and tram system to complement ongoing road expansion projects. While new highways, bypasses, and bridges have been major features of recent infrastructure drives, policymakers are signalling that a modern, multi-modal transit network is essential to meet the demands of a growing population and economy (Government of Guyana, Infrastructure Plan).

Rail and tram systems could offer solutions to some of the persistent challenges in urban and regional mobility, such as congestion, long travel times, and high vehicle operating costs. In Georgetown and surrounding areas, traffic bottlenecks have become an increasing problem due to population growth and the rise in vehicle ownership. A tram system could relieve urban congestion by offering a reliable, predictable, and environmentally friendly alternative for daily commuting (Ministry of Public Works Report).

Beyond the city, a railway network connecting major towns, ports, and resource-rich hinterlands would reduce logistical bottlenecks and enhance trade competitiveness. For the agricultural and mining sectors, improved rail connectivity would lower freight costs and reduce wear on roads, while enabling safer, more efficient movement of goods (Guyana National Development Strategy). There is also growing recognition that modern transport infrastructure must support sustainable development. Railways and trams produce fewer emissions per passenger or tonne of freight compared to road transport, aligning with goals for climate resilience and environmental responsibility (United Nations Sustainable Transport Policy).

Investment in these systems would also create significant employment during planning, construction, and operation phases. Skills transfer and technology partnerships with international firms could strengthen local capacity in engineering, project management, and maintenance (Caribbean Development Bank Analysis). Meanwhile, the tourism industry stands to benefit from more comfortable and scenic overland connections, making it easier for visitors to explore Guyana’s diverse regions (Guyana Tourism Authority Strategic Plan).

Importantly, the proposal for a railway and tram system is seen as a continuation of the government’s broader development strategy, which includes road construction, bridge rehabilitation, and airport upgrades. Instead of viewing road and rail as competing priorities, planners are promoting an integrated approach where different modes complement one another to deliver efficient, safe, and inclusive mobility for all (Government of Guyana, Infrastructure Plan).

While formal studies, feasibility analyses, and funding models are still being developed, the conversation about railways and trams signals a shift toward long-term, strategic planning in Guyana’s transport sector. By investing not only in roads but in rail and urban transit, the country is laying the groundwork for a modern, resilient, and people-centred infrastructure system that can support sustained economic growth and improve quality of life for its citizens.

Since 2020, Region 3 (Essequibo Islands–West Demerara) has undergone significant improvements in healthcare delivery with the opening of five new rural health centers. These facilities, located in communities such as Wakenaam, Leguan, and other riverine areas, are part of a deliberate strategy to close longstanding gaps in access and ensure that modern healthcare is available to even the most remote populations. This initiative demonstrates the Guyanese Government’s commitment to equitable, people-centered development.

Previously, residents of Wakenaam and Leguan often had to endure long, sometimes risky boat journeys to reach the West Demerara Regional Hospital or clinics on the mainland. The new health centers mean services—including maternal care, vaccinations, management of chronic conditions, and basic emergency treatment—are now available closer to where people live. According to the Ministry of Health, over 15,000 people in Region 3 now benefit from this expanded local access (Ministry of Health, 2024). In Wakenaam alone, the local center now serves about 800 patient visits each month, reducing strain on central hospitals and delivering faster care.

These investments are not isolated achievements but are part of the Health Sector Strategy 2021–2025, which focuses on expanding primary care, decentralizing services, and strengthening the health workforce. To ensure the new centers are well-staffed, the government has introduced incentives to attract and retain nurses, medexes, and other professionals willing to serve in remote areas (Health Sector Strategy Report, 2023).
Partnerships have also played a key role. Collaborations with agencies like PAHO/WHO have supported better diagnostic capacity and reliable pharmaceutical supplies in rural clinics (PAHO Guyana Country Cooperation Strategy, 2022). Such improvements mean that communities long left behind now enjoy services once only available in urban centers.
These new health centers are more than buildings—they represent a new approach to governance that values inclusion, dignity, and the right to health for all. From planning to delivery, the focus has been on meeting people where they are, breaking down barriers of distance and inequality.

This is what real progress looks like: a promise fulfilled, lives improved, and a Region 3 that can now look forward to healthier, more secure futures.

In Region 2 (Pomeroon–Supenaam), the Government of Guyana has delivered on its commitment to strengthen farmers’ incomes by addressing one of the area’s most persistent challenges—seasonal flooding. Through strategic upgrades to vital infrastructure, the region has achieved a 45% reduction in flood-related agricultural losses, protecting livelihoods and supporting economic stability (Ministry of Agriculture, Infrastructure Updates Report).

Central to this achievement is the modernization of drainage pumps and cane conveyor systems. These critical improvements have boosted the reliability and year-round productivity of farmlands, particularly in flood-prone communities such as Anna Regina, Charity, and Suddie (Department of Public Information [DPI] ). By preventing waterlogging and reducing harvest delays, these upgrades ensure that rice farmers, cane growers, and mixed-crop cultivators enjoy more predictable and stable incomes.
According to the Ministry of Agriculture, the project—which began in 2021 as part of a broader climate resilience programme—involved installing high-capacity drainage pumps and refurbishing mechanical cane conveyors needed for efficient transport of harvested cane to factories (Ministry of Agriculture, Infrastructure Updates Report). These interventions directly target the leading causes of spoilage and lost revenue—excess water in fields and transport bottlenecks.

Government representatives have emphasised that these investments are about more than just flood control—they are about building a secure future for farming communities. Improved infrastructure equips farmers to withstand unpredictable weather, ensuring that agriculture remains a reliable source of income and food security for the nation (DPI).
Beyond protecting yields, better drainage has reduced post-harvest disease and soil degradation, while also improving access for farm vehicles and labour. This supports local employment and strengthens rural economies, creating a more resilient and self-reliant farming sector.

The improvements have also received strong support from local stakeholders. The Essequibo Chamber of Commerce and Industry highlighted that the Government’s focus on upgrading critical infrastructure has restored confidence among smallholder farmers, offering them the stability they need to plan for the future (Essequibo Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Press Release).

As Guyana continues to confront the challenges of climate change and the need for economic diversification, Region 2’s success offers a model of how targeted investment in agricultural infrastructure delivers real, measurable benefits. Not just water control—but genuine security and assurance for rural families. This is what real progress looks like.

Since 2020, the Government of Guyana has delivered on its pledge to reduce the digital divide by expanding mobile and 4G coverage to 12 remote villages in Region 1 (Barima–Waini), creating new opportunities for education, commerce, and community development. This initiative reflects the administration’s commitment to ensuring that every citizen, regardless of location, has access to reliable digital infrastructure (National Data Management Authority).

Communities such as Santa Rosa, Waramuri, Kwebanna, and Karaburi, previously without consistent mobile service, now benefit from reliable 4G connectivity. This rollout has been made possible through collaboration among the National Data Management Authority (NDMA), the Ministry of Public Telecommunications, and major telecommunications providers such as GTT and Digicel (NDMA).

The educational impact has been especially significant. With these upgrades, schools in Warapoka and Kwebanna have gained access to online learning platforms, enabling students to participate in virtual classrooms and access digital resources. These improvements have helped narrow the longstanding educational gap between coastal regions and the interior (Ministry of Education ICT). The Ministry of Education has highlighted that the availability of e-learning has supported student engagement and ensured continuity of lessons, particularly in the face of logistical challenges posed by Guyana’s vast geography (Ministry of Education ICT).

Economic life in Region 1 has also been transformed. Local farmers and small businesses now use mobile technology to communicate directly with buyers, check market prices, and manage logistics in real time. This connectivity reduces dependence on intermediaries and improves the profitability of local trade (GO-Invest Briefing on Hinterland Economic Activity). According to GO-Invest, improved digital access is strengthening hinterland supply chains and opening new markets for indigenous and local products (GO-Invest Briefing on Hinterland Economic Activity).

President Irfaan Ali underscored the importance of these efforts in his 2024 address on digital inclusion, stating that “technology must be seen as a fundamental right, enabling opportunity for every Guyanese” (Office of the President). The government’s broader strategy envisions extending similar services to over 100 hinterland and riverine communities nationwide by 2025 (NDMA).

By bringing modern connectivity to the edge of Guyana, the government is not just improving communication—it is empowering communities to learn, trade, and participate fully in the nation’s development.

In keeping with its pledge to modernize education across Guyana, the Government of Guyana has introduced significant technological advancements to secondary schools in Region 10 (Upper Demerara–Berbice), particularly in Linden. Through the deployment of the Guyana Digital School platform and the distribution of laptops to students and teachers, the government is actively closing the digital divide and opening new pathways to global knowledge.

The Guyana Digital School platform, an initiative developed under the Ministry of Education’s education technology strategy, offers a robust suite of learning tools including interactive lessons, digital textbooks, and virtual assessments. Linden’s secondary schools are now directly integrated into this system, enabling students to engage with educational content beyond the confines of traditional classrooms. This transformation reflects the government’s drive to make education more inclusive, adaptive, and future-ready.

As part of this initiative, hundreds of laptops have been distributed to both students and educators across Region 10, a move that ensures equitable access to the digital tools required to navigate and thrive in a modern learning environment. According to the Ministry of Education, the devices are preloaded with educational software, offline resources, and are configured for safe and monitored usage.

Honourable Minister of Education, Priya Manickchand, has emphasized that these technological upgrades are more than symbolic—they are instrumental in building a resilient, ICT-capable generation ready to contribute to the digital economy. “We are equipping students not just with devices, but with the skills and opportunities to connect with the rest of the world,” she noted during a school visit in early 2025.

Local teachers in Linden have also undergone training to integrate digital tools into their lesson delivery, supported by partnerships with the National Centre for Educational Resource Development (NCERD). These sessions focus on using digital platforms to personalize learning, enhance classroom engagement, and monitor academic performance.

This holistic approach marks a clear shift in the educational landscape of Region 10, aligning with the national development goal of a knowledge-based economy. By expanding the digital footprint in schools, the government is not just providing screens—it is offering students a window to the world and the tools to shape their future.

This is what real progress looks like.

In keeping with its commitment to national development and equitable access to housing, the Government of Guyana has made significant strides in delivering affordable housing to citizens in Region 9 (Upper Takutu–Upper Essequibo), particularly in Lethem. Since 2020, hundreds of house lots have been allocated to residents, offering families the opportunity to own land and begin building their futures. This initiative forms part of the government’s broader housing drive, which aims to distribute 50,000 house lots countrywide by the year 2025.

The Ministry of Housing and Water, through the Central Housing and Planning Authority (CH&PA), has been instrumental in implementing this programme in Lethem. Over 400 house lots have already been distributed in the township, and infrastructural works—such as road construction, drainage, and access to potable water—are currently in progress to support sustainable development in these new housing areas.

These developments are not merely about land distribution; they represent long-term investments in human dignity, social equity, and regional empowerment. Beneficiaries in Lethem, many of whom include young professionals, single parents, and low-income families, are being given a tangible stake in the national economy and a foundation upon which to build intergenerational security.

In parallel with lot distribution, the Ministry has also launched support mechanisms such as the Home Improvement Subsidy and collaborations with financial institutions to improve access to low-interest mortgages. These efforts ensure that housing development is not just about ownership but about affordability, quality, and permanence.

Moreover, the housing initiative in Lethem aligns with the government’s broader hinterland development policy, which focuses on decentralizing growth, creating employment, and reducing the rural-urban divide. As the Vice President noted during a recent outreach in the region, “We are building a Guyana where every citizen, no matter where they live, can have access to the same opportunities and services.”

The success in Lethem is a model of inclusive governance and demonstrates how strategic policy implementation can translate promises into progress. With land, infrastructure, and support systems in place, residents of Region 9 are not just receiving plots—they are gaining the tools to build lasting homes and better lives.

This is what real progress looks like.

REGION 8 (Potaro–Siparuni) – The Government of Guyana continues to deliver on its commitment to equitable infrastructure development by bringing clean, renewable energy to the hinterland. One of the most transformative interventions to date is the installation of solar-powered street lights across Mahdia and surrounding communities—a project aimed at enhancing public safety, promoting environmental sustainability, and improving quality of life for residents.

This major step forward is part of a broader national push to bridge the development gap between coastal and hinterland regions. The Ministry of Public Works, in collaboration with the Office of the Prime Minister and supported by the Guyana Energy Agency (GEA), has deployed solar-powered street lighting systems in Mahdia, the regional capital, and in satellite villages including Campbelltown, Micobie, and El Paso. These installations form part of a national solar initiative funded by the Government of Guyana and international partners, including the Inter-American Development Bank and the European Union.

The implementation of these lights not only improves nighttime visibility but also significantly reduces risks of accidents, deters crime, and encourages economic activity after dark. “For the first time, we can walk safely through our communities at night,” said a Campbelltown resident during a recent community outreach held by the Ministry of Amerindian Affairs. This sentiment is echoed across Mahdia, where small businesses, including roadside vendors, report longer hours of operation and improved sales.

Importantly, the solar-powered design ensures that these lighting systems are both cost-effective and environmentally friendly. With minimal maintenance and no reliance on diesel or the national grid, these lights represent a long-term investment in sustainable energy and rural development. The GEA reports that over 200 solar street lights have already been installed in Region 8 alone as of early 2025, with plans underway to expand this initiative to even more remote villages.

This development is a key component of the Government’s Low Carbon Development Strategy (LCDS) 2030, which prioritizes clean energy access for all Guyanese. Through strategic investments and cross-sector collaboration, Region 8 is being transformed into a safer, more connected, and energy-secure region—an embodiment of national progress driven by inclusive governance.

In keeping with its commitment to holistic national development, the Government of Guyana has made significant strides in strengthening youth empowerment across Region 7 (Cuyuni–Mazaruni), particularly through the expansion of STEM education and scholarship access. These initiatives are laying the groundwork for long-term transformation by equipping young people in Bartica and its surrounding communities with the tools needed to participate in a rapidly evolving global economy.

The establishment of STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) clubs in several secondary schools across the region has introduced hundreds of students to practical, hands-on learning experiences that go beyond the standard curriculum. This initiative is part of a national push to make STEM subjects more accessible and engaging, particularly in hinterland and riverine regions where exposure to technological education has traditionally been limited.

In tandem with STEM promotion, scholarship outreach efforts have been intensified through the Ministry of Public Service. Teams have been actively visiting schools in Bartica and nearby communities to raise awareness about local and international academic opportunities available to students. These outreach sessions ensure that eligible youths are informed about scholarships under the Guyana Online Academy of Learning (GOAL), as well as bilateral scholarship programs with countries like China, Cuba, and Russia.

This dual approach—practical STEM education and accessible higher learning pathways—signals a clear policy direction. As noted by the Minister of Education during a recent engagement in Bartica, “We are not just delivering education; we are investing in the tools of innovation and the future of every Guyanese child.”

Parents and educators in Region 7 have welcomed these developments, citing noticeable improvements in student engagement and academic ambition. STEM club activities, including robotics, coding, and environmental science projects, have sparked curiosity and collaboration among students. Additionally, the visibility of scholarship programs has provided renewed hope for many families striving to secure tertiary education opportunities for their children.

By delivering on its promise to provide youth with real opportunities—not just ambition—the Guyanese Government is fostering a generation ready to build, lead, and thrive.

This is what real progress looks like.

In line with the Government of Guyana’s commitment to bring quality healthcare closer to communities, the recent upgrades to the New Amsterdam Regional Hospital in Region 6 (East Berbice–Corentyne) mark a pivotal step in decentralizing specialist medical services. No longer are residents forced to travel long distances to Georgetown for advanced treatment — today, they are receiving expert care in their own region.

The New Amsterdam Hospital, already a central medical hub in the region, has undergone significant infrastructural and service improvements since 2020. These include the expansion of operating theatres, the addition of a new high-dependency unit (HDU), and the procurement of modern diagnostic equipment. According to the Ministry of Health, these investments have enabled the hospital to offer enhanced services in areas such as obstetrics, paediatrics, internal medicine, and general surgery.

One of the most impactful upgrades is the establishment of specialist outpatient clinics, including cardiology, orthopaedics, and dermatology — specialties that were previously only available at the Georgetown Public Hospital Corporation (GPHC). Through strategic partnerships and targeted training, medical professionals have been equipped to deliver these services locally, reducing wait times and improving patient outcomes.

The Minister of Health has emphasized that these healthcare investments are part of a broader vision for equitable access. “Our goal is to ensure that every region benefits from the same standard of care, regardless of geography,” he stated during a site visit to the hospital in mid-2024.

Community response has been overwhelmingly positive. Patients report increased satisfaction due to shorter travel times, greater availability of medications, and more comprehensive aftercare. The project has also spurred local employment through both the construction phase and the ongoing recruitment of nurses, technicians, and administrative staff.

This initiative is a clear example of policy translating into tangible social benefit. The upgraded New Amsterdam Hospital is not just a medical facility — it’s a symbol of the government’s broader mission to foster national equity in health services.

Not just treatment. Healing at home.
This is what real progress looks like.

In a decisive move to secure the livelihood of farmers and reinforce food security in Guyana, the Government has reversed land rental and drainage and irrigation (D&I) charges across Region 5 (Mahaica–Berbice). This targeted relief, benefitting thousands of small and large-scale farmers in agricultural hubs such as Bush Lot, Blairmont, and Onverwagt, is a significant step toward fostering a resilient and productive rural economy.

The reversal of these charges is more than a fiscal adjustment—it is a reaffirmation of the government’s commitment to its agricultural communities. According to the Ministry of Agriculture, land rent rates for leasehold farmlands and D&I fees were originally increased under the previous administration, leading to widespread dissatisfaction and increased production costs for farmers. Since 2020, the current government has not only reinstated the original, lower rates but has also, in many cases, completely reversed the fees—saving farmers millions of dollars collectively.

Farmers across Region 5, which forms a critical belt of rice and cash crop cultivation, have expressed relief at the reduced financial burden. In communities like Bush Lot and Blairmont, where rice milling and fieldwork dominate daily life, these changes are making tangible differences.

“Before the reversals, it was difficult to balance the cost of inputs with these rising charges. Now, more of our revenue stays with us, allowing reinvestment in better seeds and equipment,” shared one rice farmer from Blairmont.

The broader implications of this measure extend beyond individual farms. By lowering costs, the government is enabling farmers to expand operations, maintain consistent output, and ultimately contribute to national food sustainability. The policy also aligns with Guyana’s Low Carbon Development Strategy 2030, which recognizes agriculture as a core component of a diversified and climate-resilient economy.

In a country where nearly 30% of the population is directly or indirectly linked to agriculture, such interventions are not merely economic—they are social safeguards. This initiative underscores that good governance isn’t just about enacting policies, but ensuring those policies translate into real improvements for people on the ground.

By restoring fairness in land management costs and empowering those who cultivate the nation’s food, the Government of Guyana has made a strong case that agricultural development begins with protecting the farmer. This is what real progress looks like.

In line with its vision for a modern and accessible capital region, the Government of Guyana has made substantial progress in expanding major road networks along the East Coast and East Bank corridors of Demerara–Mahaica (Region 4). These critical infrastructure projects are already reducing chronic traffic congestion and simultaneously generating large-scale employment, thereby driving both mobility and economic opportunity for thousands of Guyanese citizens.

The East Coast Demerara (ECD) highway expansion, stretching from Better Hope to Belfield, has dramatically improved vehicular flow and commuter reliability. Completed in phases, this project included widening the roadway to four lanes, constructing bridges, roundabouts, and installing modern lighting. Over 1,000 workers—many from communities along the corridor—were employed during various stages of construction, contributing directly to household incomes and skill development.

Similarly, the East Bank Demerara (EBD) road expansion, which complements the ongoing Mandela to Eccles highway and the new Diamond to Mocha four-lane road, is enhancing access between Georgetown and key residential and commercial zones. These developments are significantly reducing travel time during peak hours, easing pressure on commuters, logistics providers, and public transport systems. Average commute time from Diamond to Georgetown fell by nearly 40% in 2024 compared to 2020 levels.

Beyond daily transport efficiency, these projects are unlocking broader economic benefits. New road access is catalyzing private investments in housing, retail, and industrial development in regions such as Providence, Ogle, and LBI. Over 5,000 house lots have been allocated near newly expanded roads, linking housing growth directly to infrastructure upgrades.

Moreover, the Government of Guyana has integrated sustainable features into the planning of these roadways, including dedicated pedestrian walkways, drainage solutions, and green spaces—affirming a commitment not only to speed but to safety and environmental responsibility.

In every sense, Region 4’s road upgrades are more than pavement—they are a catalyst for national development. With reduced congestion, increased productivity, and stronger local employment, these initiatives embody the government’s pledge for a better capital and a better future. This is what real progress looks like.

In a decisive move to strengthen grassroots commerce and support local economies, the Government of Guyana has delivered on its promise to modernize key market infrastructure across Region 3 (Essequibo Islands–West Demerara). The comprehensive rehabilitation of the Leonora and Parika markets has brought tangible benefits to more than 800 vendors, while simultaneously improving the trading experience for thousands of consumers. This effort marks a pivotal step toward dignifying informal trade and fostering sustainable development in one of the country’s most economically active regions.

The Leonora Market, a long-standing commercial hub on the West Coast of Demerara, underwent structural upgrades including improved roofing, sanitation facilities, enhanced drainage, and organized vendor stalls. These changes have significantly elevated the market’s functionality, safety, and hygiene. At Parika, a major gateway to the Essequibo River and a nucleus of agricultural trade, similar rehabilitative works have ensured better spatial planning, flood resistance, and vendor accommodation. These infrastructural improvements have not only increased market capacity but have also encouraged consumer confidence and contributed to regional food security (Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, 2023).

By prioritizing these rehabilitations, the government demonstrates its recognition of market vendors as key economic contributors. The over 800 vendors benefiting from these initiatives are now able to conduct their business in cleaner, safer, and more structurally sound environments—conditions essential for sustainable income generation. Additionally, improved amenities have spurred an increase in customer traffic, further amplifying trade potential (Department of Public Information, 2023).

These interventions are part of a broader national agenda to bolster community commerce and empower micro-enterprises, particularly in traditionally underserved areas. According to the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, the rehabilitation projects were executed with direct input from market associations and local stakeholders to ensure that the infrastructural updates met practical, on-the-ground needs.

Moreover, the government’s investment in these market facilities aligns with its vision of equitable regional development. By creating dignified, organized spaces for commerce, the administration not only fulfills a campaign promise but also lays the groundwork for inclusive economic participation and rural prosperity. As the Minister emphasized during an inspection of the markets:

“Markets are the lifeblood of our villages and towns. Upgrading them is about more than infrastructure—it’s about preserving livelihoods and building community pride” (Guyana Chronicle, 2023).

Indeed, this is not just about rehabilitated sheds—it is about restoring dignity to the daily earners who fuel Guyana’s grassroots economy. This is what real progress looks like.

Since 2020, the Government of Guyana has taken deliberate steps to empower Amerindian communities in Region 1 (Barima–Waini), beginning with the reinstatement of over 150 Community Support Officers (CSOs), a programme previously discontinued in 2015 but revived to deliver crucial on-the-ground support to village councils and residents (Ministry of Amerindian Affairs, 2022). These officers assist with education, health outreach, agriculture, and youth
development across remote hinterland communities, ensuring that governance and services reach the grassroots level. The Ministry of Amerindian Affairs allocated over GYD 1.11 billion in 2022 and GYD 1.3 billion in 2024 specifically to the CSO programme (Department of Public Information, May 2024), which today supports approximately 2,700 Amerindian youths with stipends and technical training in fields such as solar power installation and mechanical repair
(Guyana Chronicle, October 2023). In addition to human resource investment, the government has allocated over GYD 40 billion across five ministries in Region 1 since 2020 for critical improvements in health, education, water, and infrastructure (Minister Collin Croal, DPI, April 2024). Further reinforcing economic self-sufficiency, the Amerindian Development Fund has seen a GYD 7.2 billion injection in 2025 for entrepreneurship grants, land titling, and cultural preservation (Office of the President, February 2025). Moreover, under the Low Carbon Development Strategy, 75 Amerindian villages in Region 1 have received a combined GYD 1.5 billion in carbon credit revenues, allowing villages to pursue their own development priorities
(Ministry of Finance, LCDS Report 2024). Community feedback has underscored the impact of these programmes: in villages such as Yarakita, CSOs are credited with supporting healthcare, school services, environmental monitoring, and local administration (Guyana Times, March 2024). These investments illustrate a holistic and community-driven development framework—one that rebuilds local leadership, generates youth employment, secures economic
autonomy, and ensures that no village is left behind.

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s Parliament has approved the country’s largest-ever national budget – a whopping GY$1.382 trillion plan geared toward infrastructure upgrades and social programs – after a week of contentious debates that underscored the gulf between the ruling PPP/C government and the opposition. The Budget 2025 legislation was passed on Thursday evening by the PPP/C majority in the National Assembly, over loud objections (but ultimately futile votes) from opposition MPs who branded the spending package excessive. Finance Minister Dr. Ashni Singh, however, defended the budget as “historic in scope and vision,” arguing that record oil revenues allow Guyana to invest heavily in modernizing the nation. “This budget will build the highways, hospitals and schools of tomorrow,” Singh said, stressing long-term benefits.

The approved budget is approximately 20.6% larger than last year’s, reflecting accelerated projects. It allocates tens of billions toward new road networks linking hinterland regions, bridges across the major rivers, and a deep-water harbor to boost trade. There are also substantial increases for education – including funds to make University of Guyana tuition-free from the 2025 academic year – and healthcare, with money earmarked for regional hospitals and medical training. “It is a people-centered budget,” President Irfaan Ali affirmed, noting it raises public servant salaries and old-age pensions as well. Every single region is slated to get major capital works, from farm-to-market roads in Pomeroon (Region 2) to solar farm installations in Rupununi (Region 9). Government speakers in Parliament highlighted these in their presentations, often contrasting them with what they called the “anaemic” development pace under the previous administration.

Opposition leader Aubrey Norton, in his rebuttal, launched a scathing critique – famously calling Budget 2025 “the worst budget I have seen in 53 years”. He contended that the plan is unrealistic and would “fuel corruption and waste”. Opposition MPs took turns lambasting various line items: one claimed too much is being borrowed despite the oil income; another said not enough is allocated to relieve the cost of living. They also argued the government was padding projects in PPP-friendly areas. However, these criticisms often lacked supporting details, and government ministers hit back hard. In a fiery exchange, Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo dismissed the opposition’s analysis as “amateurish, inept and lazy”. He pointed out that opposition speakers contradicted each other – some complaining spending is too high, others that it’s too low – revealing, in Jagdeo’s words, “a confused bunch with no coherent plan,” according to coverage of the debates.

Proceedings grew tense at times. Midweek, several opposition MPs banged on their desks and attempted to disrupt a minister’s speech, leading the Speaker to issue warnings. At one point, a minor commotion ensued when an opposition member refused to apologize after making an unparliamentary remark; the Speaker briefly suspended the sitting to restore order. Despite the drama, the outcome was never in doubt given the PPP/C’s comfortable majority. The budget bill sailed through the committee of supply and final reading on a party-line vote. The opposition ultimately voted against the entire budget, a stance the government later characterized as “voting against development.” In their defense, opposition MPs said they felt sidelined during the budget process and that their input on allocations was ignored. They have since called for stricter oversight of the spending, with some demanding real-time audits once funds are disbursed.

Now that the budget is law, implementation will be the next test. President Ali’s administration plans to move fast, with several major project tenders already out. Economists caution that absorbing such a large increase in funding will require improving public service capacity to avoid bottlenecks. Minister Singh acknowledged this in his wrap-up, noting measures to strengthen project management units and hire additional engineers and procurement specialists. The government also touts transparency measures, like an online portal tracking project progress. Still, watchdog groups will be keeping an eye on how effectively this money translates into tangible results on the ground. For now, supporters of the budget applaud its ambition – a reflection of newfound financial resources being put to use. Detractors worry about execution risks. Guyanese across the country will soon see evidence one way or the other, as 2025’s mega-budget programs start rolling out.

When the PPP/C government took office in August 2020 after a tumultuous election impasse, Guyana was a nation on edge. The five-month ordeal of that year’s vote count – marred by attempted fraud and brinkmanship – had left institutions strained and the public anxious about the country’s democratic future. Fast forward to today, and Guyana’s democratic and security landscape has notably stabilized. This did not happen by accident. The PPP/C administration, under President Irfaan Ali, undertook deliberate measures to reinforce rule of law, modernize security forces, and heal societal rifts. In doing so, it has undercut the narratives of chaos that the opposition once leveraged, and demonstrated that competent governance is the key to safety and stability.

A cornerstone was restoring faith in the electoral system. In 2020, it was rogue election officials – encouraged by elements of the then-government – who nearly upended the people’s will. Recognizing this, the new government moved swiftly on electoral reforms. Consultations were held countrywide to overhaul the Representation of the People Act and related laws. By 2022, comprehensive amendments were tabled to close loopholes and stiffen penalties for misconduct. This year, Parliament passed a further amendment to ROPA ensuring adequate deputy returning officers in all polling districts. Though technical, that fix plugs a gap that unscrupulous actors had tried to exploit in 2020. The Attorney General noted these changes aim to “prevent any attempts to derail the election process”. Tellingly, even the opposition did not oppose such measures – a tacit admission of their necessity after the fiasco under their watch. The result: few expect a repeat of the 2020 crisis, and international observers have lauded Guyana for learning lessons and strengthening electoral integrity.

In parallel, the Ali administration repaired and modernized Guyana’s security apparatus. One early step was depoliticizing the leadership of the Police Force and Army by appointing respected career officers and reactivating service commissions. This helped professionalize operations and reduce the perception of partisan bias that had grown previously. Resources were poured into policing: new vehicles, forensic labs, a 911 emergency call system and the nationwide CCTV network. The impact has been evident in the significant drop in crime, especially violent crime. As reported, 2024 saw the fewest murders and robberies in a decade. Solving 71% of murders – up from barely 50% a few years ago – means far more criminals are being brought to justice. People feel safer, and security experts credit the government’s investment in both hard and soft policing methods. Community policing groups have been revived across all regions, forging trust between citizens and law enforcement. This comprehensive approach has neutralized one of the opposition’s perennial talking points – that the country is spiraling into lawlessness. It clearly is not; by objective measures, security is improving under the PPP/C’s stewardship.

Another area of stability is social cohesion. The previous government often spoke about social cohesion but was accused of practicing divisive politics, favoring its base in hiring and resource allocation. Under President Ali, there’s been a marked shift to inclusive policies. The government’s flagship programs – from cash grants to farmers and schoolchildren, to housing drives – have been rolled out evenly, including in opposition-leaning areas. High-level engagements like the bipartisan parliamentary discussions on constitutional reform (albeit slow-moving) and inclusion of opposition MPs on some committees demonstrate outreach. Perhaps most symbolically, when Guyana faced Venezuela’s aggressive posturing over Essequibo, the government invited opposition leaders to strategy meetings, and they stood together in defense of the nation. This willingness to put country first undercuts the zero-sum rhetoric that often fuels political instability.

The opposition, however, has struggled to adjust to this new normal of relative calm and progress. Their narrative of the PPP/C as instigators of turmoil or corruption is increasingly a hard sell when people see roads being built, crime down, and no signs of the economic collapse once ominously predicted. Certainly, Guyana still has challenges – corruption in lower bureaucratic levels, pockets of poverty, and the ongoing effort to ensure oil wealth benefits all. The difference is a sense of direction and control. The government has articulated plans and, crucially, implemented them visibly. This breeds public confidence. Meanwhile, opposition missteps (like boycotting Parliament at times or refusing to engage on important bills) have made them seem less serious about governance.

In politics, security and stability are often the decisive issues. Most citizens simply want to live in peace and have opportunities to thrive. Right now, Guyana is experiencing both: peace, and unprecedented opportunity. The PPP/C’s governance – steady, if not always flashy – has a lot to do with that. The opposition would do well to acknowledge these gains even as they push for improvements. By denying obvious progress, they only diminish their credibility. Guyana is not the unsettled, shaky state it was in mid-2020. Democracy held, institutions are being fortified, and people feel safer. That’s a record any government would be proud of – and one that voters will remember.

Guyana stands on the cusp of a transformation many countries can only dream of: in a few short years, it has evolved from a small, agrarian economy to a burgeoning petro-powered nation. The narrative of how Guyana manages this oil boom has two competing storylines. On one hand, the ruling PPP/C administration has laid out a bold vision to convert oil revenues into lasting human and physical capital – a vision steadily becoming reality. On the other hand, opposition voices and some skeptics warn of pitfalls and missed opportunities, often predicting doom. Halfway through this government’s term, the evidence strongly favors the optimists. Guyana is not squandering its oil bonanza; it’s leveraging it to diversify and future-proof the economy. The forward-looking policies of President Irfaan Ali’s team are positioning the country as a regional leader in energy, climate, and innovation – leaving detractors increasingly isolated in their pessimism.

Central to the government’s strategy is using oil wealth as a catalyst rather than a crutch. Nowhere is this clearer than in the energy sector. Even amid pumping over 380,000 barrels of oil per day, Guyana is aggressively pursuing non-oil energy projects – something almost unheard of in new petro-states. The landmark gas-to-energy project is one example: instead of simply exporting all gas for quick cash, the government insisted on bringing a portion onshore to cut electricity costs for businesses and households by half, and supply clean cooking gas countrywide. Simultaneously, the administration resurrected the Amaila Falls hydropower project and inked deals for solar farms and wind projects. The message is clear – oil is a means to an end, not the end itself. This nuanced approach confounded the opposition, which spent much of its tenure stalling on these very projects (notoriously cancelling Amaila in 2015). Now they criticize details of the gas project or renewable plans, but it’s lost on few that these initiatives are exactly what experts advise oil economies to do: invest in affordable energy to power broad development.

Beyond energy, the PPP/C’s opportunity agenda extends to people. Revenues are being plowed into education through a national scholarship program (over 39,000 online scholarships awarded so far) and the fulfillment of free university tuition from 2024. It was almost poetic when the opposition recently promised “free education if elected” – apparently unaware or unwilling to admit that the government had already delivered just that, starting January 2025. The move to abolish tuition at the University of Guyana, a promise from the PPP/C’s manifesto, materialized on schedule and is transformative for thousands of families. Similarly, healthcare is getting a boost: new hospitals are rising, and specialized services like cardiac surgery and dialysis are being expanded domestically. These are investments an opposition focused on austerity once deemed too costly; now they are changing lives daily. Critics ask, are such social spends sustainable? The government’s bet is that a healthier, smarter populace will sustain itself – and with non-oil GDP growing over 13% last year, largely due to construction and services, that bet looks sound.

On the international stage, Guyana’s proactive vision has earned respect. The country is now a climate finance pioneer, monetizing its rainforest’s carbon sequestration to fund indigenous development. Few would have imagined a petro-state also being lauded at climate forums, but Guyana pulled off that dual feat. The opposition’s refrain that the government is “selling out” to oil companies does not square with reality: yes, ExxonMobil is a major partner, but Guyana has extracted increasing local benefits (like a mandated local content policy and tougher terms in new oil blocks). Moreover, by diversifying partners – inviting investments from the US, Europe, India, and the Middle East – the PPP/C has avoided overreliance on any single geopolitical interest. This savvy positioning contrasts with the opposition era’s foreign policy, which alienated some traditional allies and left potential investments on the table (for instance, a major UK infrastructure grant was forfeited under the previous government’s watch due to inertia). Now, with President Ali engaging world leaders from Washington to Riyadh, Guyana’s profile has never been higher. The country is taken seriously – a place to invest, a voice in CARICOM, even a venue for international cricket finals.

No government is perfect, and the PPP/C still faces the monumental task of ensuring that rural poverty and inequality are tackled head-on. The opposition’s role in a democracy is to keep pressure on these fronts. But they do their cause no favors by being perpetual wet blankets even as positive changes abound. While opposition leaders lambast every new project with predictable negativity, the average citizen can see new roads, better healthcare, and tangible support from government programs. People who got house lots or small-business grants know these things weren’t flowing before. Voters, especially the young, are savvy – they sense the excitement of a country rising. Ultimately, that feeling of opportunity may be the ruling party’s greatest asset. It’s an optimism grounded in real progress. Unless the opposition finds a way to articulate a competing optimism – rather than dated doomsaying – they will continue to be eclipsed by a new Guyana narrative that is capturing hearts and minds: a nation finally cashing in on its promise, and determined not to look back.

Guyana’s political opposition finds itself at a crossroads – or perhaps more fittingly, in a ditch of its own digging. As the country heads toward general elections, the once-formidable coalition that challenged the government is plagued by infighting, defections, and a conspicuous absence of clear policy alternatives. This disarray is proving to be an unwitting asset for the ruling PPP/C, which, by contrast, appears united and confident behind its agenda of development.

In recent weeks, the opposition’s turmoil has spilled into public view. The People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR), the main opposition party, has been hit by a “slew of resignations”, including high-profile figures. Most notably, shadow foreign minister Amanza Walton-Desir stunned observers by quitting the PNCR and launching her own party, just months before elections. Her departure – and that of several other senior members – underscores deep fractures. Insiders cite dissatisfaction with Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton’s leadership style, alleging a closed inner circle and poor campaign preparation. Norton has tried to shrug off the exits, but the optics are damning: at the very moment when opposition unity is needed to take on a well-oiled incumbent, the challengers are at war with themselves.

The coalition between PNCR and the smaller Alliance For Change (AFC) also lies in tatters. AFC, a onetime kingmaker, has seen its influence fade and recently signaled it will contest separately, effectively dissolving the APNU+AFC partnership that briefly held power from 2015 to 2020. The opposition’s fragmentation is a far cry from the cohesive front that is typically required to unseat an incumbent in Guyana’s ethnopolitically charged landscape. Historically, the PPP/C has only been defeated by broad opposition alliances. “The PPP was never ousted without a coalition,” as one analyst noted, and currently no such unified coalition exists. Instead, we see new splinter movements like Walton-Desir’s “Forward Guyana” siphoning off votes and attention.

These missteps are gifts to the PPP/C. The ruling party’s General Secretary Bharrat Jagdeo has openly welcomed disenchanted opposition members into PPP’s fold, projecting an image of inclusivity and momentum. In the lead-up to last year’s Local Government Elections, a number of PNCR figures crossed over to support the PPP/C – an almost unthinkable development in years past. While the opposition downplayed those crossovers, their impact was evident in the results: the PPP/C achieved a landslide victory, winning 66 of 80 local areas and making inroads into traditional PNCR strongholds. Such outcomes have sown panic and recriminations in opposition ranks, further eroding morale.

The PPP/C, for its part, has been savvy in exploiting opposition weaknesses. Government officials appear disciplined in sticking to a positive message – trumpeting record infrastructure projects, free education, and job creation – while only lightly touching on the opposition’s woes. President Irfaan Ali has largely ignored personal attacks and instead tours communities, cutting ribbons for new facilities and offering an optimistic vision. It’s an incumbent’s strategy playing out well: demonstrate competence and let the opposition self-destruct. Even neutral observers note that while the PPP/C is talking about building bridges (literally and figuratively), the opposition is busy burning them internally.

None of this is to say an election is a foregone conclusion – campaigns and sentiments can shift. But unless the opposition rapidly gets its house in order, it will head to the polls in a weakened state. There are calls from civil society for the opposition to at least articulate a cohesive platform: What exactly would they do differently? So far, answers are scarce. Instead, headlines focus on gaffes like the Opposition Leader labeling the national budget “the worst in 53 years” – a hyperbole widely mocked as out of touch – or on the opposition promising initiatives (such as free university tuition) that the government is already implementing. These missteps reinforce a perception that the opposition is reactive and bereft of fresh ideas.

In politics, as in nature, a vacuum is quickly filled. The PPP/C is moving to occupy the ground the opposition is ceding – reaching out to various demographic groups, addressing traditional opposition concerns like local empowerment, and even campaigning in opposition heartland communities with some success. If the opposition cannot project unity or vision, they may well hand the ruling party a victory by default. For the health of Guyanese democracy, many hope the opposition regroups enough to pose a serious contest. But time is running short, and at present the PPP/C’s biggest advantage is simply that it isn’t the disorganized mess on the other side of the aisle.

As Guyana experiences an economic boom virtually unrivaled in the world, it is increasingly clear that thoughtful stewardship by the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) government has been a decisive factor. The contrast in approaches to economic management between the current administration and its predecessors could not be more stark. Under the PPP/C’s tenure since 2020, Guyana leapt from moderate growth to global leader in GDP expansion, averaging nearly 50% growth annually. Far from squandering the spoils of an oil windfall, the government laid out a strategy to invest in long-term development while safeguarding fiscal stability – a strategy now bearing fruit in rising incomes, jobs and living standards.

Critics and opposition figures have repeatedly questioned the rapid pace of spending from newfound oil revenues. The opposition warned of potential waste or even a “resource curse.” But those dire predictions ring hollow against current realities. Massive investments in infrastructure – new highways, bridges, ports – are visibly unlocking business across Guyana. Meanwhile, prudent financial management has maintained inflation under control and built healthy foreign reserves. The sovereign wealth fund, reformed by PPP/C legislation for greater transparency, has grown past US$1 billioneven as withdrawals fund critical projects. This balanced approach belies the opposition’s alarmist narrative that the government would drain the fund recklessly. Instead, international monitors like the IMF have praised Guyana’s “highly favorable” outlook and its responsible use of oil earnings to drive non-oil growth.

Indeed, much of the current prosperity traces to decisions made when PPP/C returned to office. One early move was to dismantle burdensome VAT taxes on electricity, water and basic goods – a relief to households that spurred consumer spending. The government then aggressively pursued delayed projects: the new Demerara River bridge, long postponed under the previous administration, is now under construction; plans for the transformational Amaila Falls hydropower plant, abandoned by the opposition-led government in 2015, have been revived to secure cheaper, clean energy. Each initiative speaks to a forward-looking economic vision. Where the opposition saw obstacles or engaged in endless reviews, the PPP/C has been about execution. The resulting momentum is tangible in daily life – faster travel times, more reliable electricity on the grid, and expanding business investment in sectors from housing to agro-processing.

Critically, the current government’s economic inclusivity sets it apart. The opposition often focused development in certain strongholds, but the PPP/C’s boom has reached all regions. Hinterland communities are receiving funds for village projects from carbon credit earnings; coastal farmers are benefiting from farm-to-market roads and drainage upgrades. Even traditional opposition enclaves like Linden (Region 10) have not been neglected – new highways and a planned stadium are bringing jobs and signaling that development knows no political color. This national approach not only lifts more people from poverty, it undercuts the opposition’s ability to stoke discontent. Many Guyanese who once felt left out now see visible improvements and credit the current leadership.

To be sure, challenges accompany the boom. Managing public expectations is one; diversifying the economy beyond oil is another. Here too the PPP/C appears engaged, launching initiatives in agriculture, tech and tourism to ensure resilience. Contrast this with the opposition’s tenure (2015–2020), which often seemed to lack a coherent economic plan beyond austerity and delay. In those years, growth sputtered and projects stalled. The difference now is night and day. As Guyana hurtles forward, the opposition finds itself with little to offer except critiques that increasingly miss the mark. For citizens enjoying newfound opportunities – a better job, a scholarship for their child, a new business grant – such gains are hard evidence that competent, visionary governance matters. The PPP/C promised to turn oil wealth into broad-based progress, and by most measures, it is delivering. The onus is now on the opposition to move beyond rhetoric and present a credible alternative for sustaining prosperity – or risk being left on the sidelines of a booming Guyana.

GEORGETOWN – In a landmark step toward energy diversification, Guyana’s government and ExxonMobil have announced plans for a large-scale natural gas development poised to fuel domestic industry and potentially position Guyana as a future gas exporter. Dubbed the “Wales Gas-to-Energy” initiative, the project will bring gas from Exxon’s offshore fields ashore to power new electricity plants and industrial facilities. “This is a game-changer for our energy future,” President Irfaan Ali said at a Georgetown energy conference, hailing the plan as a pillar of Guyana’s economic modernization.

ExxonMobil’s country chief Alistair Routledge outlined the vision: Gas currently being produced in association with oil at the Stabroek Block will be funneled through a 225-km pipeline – completed last year – to a processing facility at Wales on the West Bank of the Demerara. There, a government-owned power plant and liquids separation plant are under construction to generate cheaper electricity and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for local use. “First gas” output is expected by 2025-2026, officials said, finally harnessing a resource that was previously being re-injected or flared offshore. Energy Minister Vickram Bharrat noted that enough gas has been found to supply 250 megawatts of power, slashing Guyana’s electricity costs by an estimated 50% once the plant is operational. For consumers and manufacturers long burdened by high power prices, this promises significant relief.

In addition to domestic power, Exxon and its partners – Hess and CNOOC – have bigger plans for gas. The project includes a proposed liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility, to be built by U.S. firm Fulcrum LNG, that would process part of the gas into LNG for export. Exxon is also studying separate pipelines to transport its share of gas to this LNG plant, which could ship fuel abroad and supply gas to Guyana’s eastern Berbice region for industrial use. One potential outcome is local production of fertilizers and other petrochemicals, leveraging gas as a feedstock. “We’re ready to deliver gas to shore,” Routledge affirmed at the conference, emphasizing that gas development will complement Guyana’s oil bonanza by opening new revenue streams and reducing reliance on imported diesel for power.

The PPP/C government has aggressively pushed this gas agenda, calling it a transformative opportunity. Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo, a key architect of the project, stresses that stable, affordable energy will spur investments in manufacturing, agro-processing, and mining. Indeed, anticipation of cheaper power is already attracting interest – just this week a foreign consortium announced plans for a glass factory and other downstream ventures contingent on gas power supply. President Ali highlighted the broader development: “This will create thousands of jobs and stabilize our grid while cutting emissions by moving away from heavy fuel oil.” Notably, by utilizing gas that was previously flared, the project reduces greenhouse emissions and aligns with Guyana’s Low Carbon Development Strategy.

Opposition leaders have raised questions about the project’s cost – now estimated around US$2 billion – and urged transparency in contracts. They also caution about environmental risks of onshore gas processing. In response, the government has subjected the plans to environmental assessments and set up a multi-stakeholder oversight committee. Thus far, momentum is strong. Construction of the pipeline and gas plant is well advanced, with major components already en route to Guyana. Financial analysts say the gas project, once online, could save Guyana hundreds of millions annually in fuel import costs and unlock new high-value industries. For a nation on the cusp of an economic leap, the ability to power that growth from its own natural gas is a timely boon. As President Ali put it, “We’re not just an oil producer now – we’re investing to become an energy leader in every sense.”

GEORGETOWN – The Guyanese government is forcefully reaffirming the nation’s sovereignty over the Essequibo region amid an escalating territorial claim by Venezuela. In a high-stakes diplomatic offensive, President Irfaan Ali’s administration this week garnered broad international backing after Venezuela’s controversial move to lay claim to the oil-rich Essequibo, which comprises nearly two-thirds of Guyana’s land. “Our borders are inviolate,” President Ali declared, condemning a December referendum in Venezuela that asserted rights over Essequibo as “null, void, and illegal.”

The crisis has been brewing for months. Venezuela’s government, under President Nicolás Maduro, intensified its longstanding claim by holding a unilateral referendum late last year purporting to annex Essequibo. Guyana’s response was swift and uncompromising. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs denounced the referendum as a flagrant violation of international law and has filed urgent protests with the United Nations and the Organization of American States. “Guyana will not be bullied into surrendering one inch of territory,” Foreign Minister Hugh Todd said in a statement, noting that the 1899 arbitral award establishing the current boundary remains the legal authority.

Support for Guyana’s position has poured in from around the globe. CARICOM, the Caribbean Community, quickly issued a declaration firmly backing Guyana’s territorial integrity. The Commonwealth and the Organization of American States followed suit, urging Venezuela to respect the judicial process already underway. The dispute is currently before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – a case Guyana brought in 2018 to confirm the 1899 boundary. Last year, the ICJ ruled it has jurisdiction to decide the matter, rejecting Venezuela’s objections. Final arguments on the merits are expected in 2025, and Guyana is optimistic the court will decisively uphold the border.

In the interim, the Ali administration has shored up national defense and diplomacy. The Guyana Defence Force has stepped up patrols along the Cuyuni and Takutu rivers, though officials stress that Guyana seeks a peaceful resolution through law, not force. “Our strategy is restraint with resolve,” explained National Security Advisor Gerry Gouveia, noting that provocative moves by Venezuela – such as military exercises near the frontier – have been met with calm vigilance. Guyana’s diplomats have been briefing allies from Washington to New Delhi. The United States, United Kingdom, Canada and European Union have all issued statements recognizing the 1899 boundary and warning against any attempts to alter it by force.

Meanwhile, opposition parties in Guyana have largely set aside domestic quarrels to stand behind the government on this issue. The usually fractious National Assembly passed a unanimous resolution affirming Guyana’s sovereign rights. This rare display of unity has bolstered Guyana’s case abroad, demonstrating a country speaking with one voice. Some analysts have suggested Venezuela’s renewed saber-rattling is linked to Guyana’s burgeoning oil wealth – much of it located offshore of Essequibo’s coast. “It’s no coincidence the claims grew louder after Guyana struck oil,” noted a regional expert, pointing to massive ExxonMobil-led discoveries in Guyanese waters.

For ordinary Guyanese, the Essequibo claim has stirred patriotic pride and resolve. Red, green and gold national flags are flying high across the country in solidarity with Essequibians. “We stand united,” President Ali told a gathering of residents from all regions, including Essequibo, this week. As the ICJ process advances, Guyana is projecting confidence that the rule of law will prevail. International observers say Venezuela faces an uphill battle given the longstanding legal consensus on the border. In the court of world opinion, at least, Guyana appears to have the upper hand – a small nation resolutely defending its territory with principle and an outpouring of global support.

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s economy continues to surge at an unprecedented pace, earning commendation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In its latest review, the IMF highlighted that rapidly expanding oil production coupled with robust non-oil growth made Guyana the world’s fastest-growing economy, averaging an astonishing 47% annual GDP growth since 2022. The IMF projects growth will remain in double-digits in 2025 and beyond, vastly outpacing global averages.

This boom is attributed to soaring petroleum output and large-scale public investments. “Guyana’s transformation is advancing strongly and broadening in scale,” the IMF noted, pointing to record-high exports and infrastructure spending. Key economic indicators underscore sound management: inflation is modest at under 4%, international reserves topped US$1 billion, and the sovereign wealth fund (Natural Resource Fund) has amassed over US$1.1 billion. These buffers, analysts say, reflect prudent fiscal policies by the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) administration to save oil revenues while investing in development.

Finance Minister Dr. Ashni Singh welcomed the IMF’s findings, stating that the government’s balanced approach is “ensuring oil wealth translates into sustainable progress nationwide.” Major projects in energy, roads, and social services are underway, financed in part by oil earnings and guided by a long-term development plan. This year’s national budget, the largest on record, pours resources into schools, hospitals, and hinterland infrastructure – investments the IMF believes will lift non-oil growth to around 7%, higher than pre-oil trends.

The political opposition has frequently criticized the rapid spending of oil funds, voicing fears of overheating or waste. However, economic experts note that independent monitors, including the IMF, have endorsed Guyana’s strategy. They highlight measures like strengthened transparency in the Natural Resource Fund and improved procurement oversight as bolstering confidence. “The data speaks for itself,” remarked one local economist, noting that unemployment has fallen and private sector activity is vibrant alongside government projects.

Risks remain, such as volatility in oil prices or capacity constraints, but the IMF assesses these are “broadly balanced”. In fact, additional oil discoveries and diversification efforts could further boost the outlook. President Irfaan Ali’s government has emphasized investments in education, training and technology to ensure the boom benefits all corners of the country and not just the oil sector. With international institutions now praising Guyana as a model for high-growth management, officials say the priority is to consolidate these gains. “Our aim,” President Ali affirmed, “is a resilient economy that delivers prosperity for every Guyanese” – a vision that, for now, seems increasingly within reach.

GEORGETOWN – Guyana’s next general election is officially scheduled for September 1, 2025, setting the stage for a high-stakes contest that will determine the country’s leadership amid an oil-driven economic boom. President Dr. Irfaan Ali announced the election date during a flag-raising ceremony marking Guyana’s 59th Independence anniversary, noting that he will soon issue the formal proclamation to dissolve Parliament in preparation. Ali, who will be seeking a second term in office, leads the incumbent People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) into the campaign touting rapid development gains since 2020 and a vision of “continued progress” for the nation. Across the political divide, the fragmented opposition faces a moment of reckoning: the main opposition parties – the People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR) and the Alliance For Change (AFC) – have yet to decide whether to reunite in a coalition, leaving questions about their strategy and leadership going into the polls.

Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo, the PPP’s General Secretary, welcomed the early announcement of Election Day, saying it gives voters clarity and the ruling party ample time to present its record. “Since returning to office in August 2020, our government hit the ground running and we have not looked back,” Jagdeo asserted in a statement shortly after the date was revealed. He pointed to the administration’s accomplishments – from unprecedented economic growth to massive investments in infrastructure, education and health – as evidence that the PPP/C has earned another term. Indeed, Guyana’s economic indicators are striking: GDP has surged at an average 47% annual rate from 2022-2024, the national budget tripled since 2021, and programs like tuition-free university education have been implemented. The government’s messaging frames the 2025 election as a choice between continuity of prosperity versus a return to stagnation. PPP campaign posters already plastering Georgetown highlight record housing distribution, new highways and bridges underway, and cash grants lifting household incomes. President Ali has been criss-crossing rural regions on his “One Guyana” outreach, often reminding crowds that “every Guyanese household has benefitted in some way” from his tenure.

On the opposition side, the landscape is unsettled. The PNCR and AFC, former partners in the last coalition government (2015-2020), are negotiating a possible alliance but have hit stumbling blocks over power-sharing and a presidential candidate. Insiders say the AFC – a smaller party – was dissatisfied with its treatment in the previous coalition and is wary of playing second fiddle again, while the PNCR under Aubrey Norton faces internal dissent and leadership questions. As of early June, no formal coalition deal had been inked, leading President Ali to question whether the opposition is “scrambling” to get its house in order. The uncertainty has cast doubt on whether the anti-PPP forces will present a united front. In fact, a recent twist saw the PNCR sign an agreement with the Working People’s Alliance (WPA) – a small party – potentially leaving the AFC out in the cold. The opposition’s turmoil was exacerbated by high-profile defections: several former APNU+AFC officials, including ex-Minister Sydney Allicock and youth leader Thandi McAllister, have publicly endorsed President Ali, citing disillusionment with their former camp’s direction. Such endorsements lend weight to the PPP’s narrative that it is attracting broad support across ethnic and regional lines, even as opposition leaders dismiss them as isolated cases.

Key electoral issues are already coming into focus. One perennial flashpoint is the voter list – the opposition has argued the registry is bloated with names of deceased and emigrated persons, raising fears of fraud. Norton’s PNCR continues to demand a “cleansed” list and even biometric voter verification, though Guyana’s Elections Commission (GECOM) has ruled out major changes, calling those proposals unconstitutional this late in the game. The PPP and election officials insist that existing safeguards (like biometric folios and voter ID requirements) are sufficient to prevent impersonation. Meanwhile, international partners are stepping in to bolster transparency: the European Union this week signed an agreement with Guyana to deploy an observer mission for the elections, responding to the government’s invitation. The EU had also monitored the tumultuous 2020 vote and is expected to have teams fanned out across the regions come polling day. Additionally, the Carter Center and Organization of American States have indicated interest in observing, underscoring the election’s significance to the global community.

As official campaigning kicks off, Guyanese voters can expect spirited rallies, manifestos brimming with promises, and likely a fair dose of mudslinging in the coming weeks. The PPP/C will campaign on its development record and plans to use oil revenues to modernize Guyana into a regional powerhouse. The opposition, whether united or not, is poised to attack perceived governance shortcomings – from transparency concerns in oil contracts to rising cost of living issues – and to appeal to voters for a check on one-party dominance. Notably, local government elections held in 2023 gave a preview of the momentum: the PPP/C scored landslide wins, even securing 291 local constituencies uncontested due to opposition no-shows. Whether that trend holds at the national level remains to be seen. For now, Guyana is bracing for a consequential election that will chart the next phase of its unfolding oil-era story. The date is set, the players are gearing up – and the nation’s future hangs in the balance, peacefully to be decided at the ballot box once more.

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